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Why Political Science Research Papers Matter

If you’re a political science student in Nigeria, you’ve likely encountered the reality: research papers aren’t just assignments, they’re essential assessments that appear in nearly every course. Whether as continuous assessment or final examination requirements, these papers serve a critical purpose beyond just demonstrating course knowledge.

A political science research paper allows you to transcend passive learning and become an active contributor to political discourse. It gives you the opportunity to examine fundamental questions: What drives democratic participation? How do electoral systems shape voter behavior? What factors determine a nation’s foreign policy? These aren’t merely academic exercises—they’re inquiries into the forces shaping our world.

However, here’s where many students struggle: they approach these papers without proper guidance. They either dump information indiscriminately or fail to connect theory with Nigeria’s unique political context. This is precisely where PremiumResearchers comes in. Our team specializes in helping Nigerian students craft politically sophisticated, analytically rigorous research papers that satisfy both international academic standards and local institutional expectations. If you’re feeling overwhelmed by the process, professional support can transform your research journey from stressful to streamlined.

Understanding the Nigerian Academic Landscape

Before diving into the mechanics of writing, you need to grasp something critical that most guides overlook: Nigerian academia operates with unwritten rules that significantly impact your success. Your research paper isn’t evaluated solely on its intellectual merit—context matters tremendously.

The Critical Role of Supervisor Relationships

Your supervisor relationship is perhaps the single most important factor in your research paper success, yet it’s rarely discussed openly. Different supervisors have vastly different expectations, preferences, and communication styles that aren’t documented anywhere. Some supervisors expect weekly progress reports; others prefer monthly consultations. Some want to see your work in multiple drafts; others prefer minimal contact until near completion.

Effective supervisor management involves several key strategies:

• Strategic Scheduling: Schedule consultations early in the week when supervisors are less harried. Early morning slots often yield more productive discussions than late afternoon appointments when fatigue sets in.
• Preparation Protocol: Always arrive with a written progress report, specific questions, and evidence of implementation on previous feedback. This demonstrates respect for their time and commitment to their guidance.
• Documentation: Keep detailed notes from every feedback session. You’ll reference these repeatedly, and they protect you if feedback seems contradictory later.
• Visible Progress: Show that you’ve actively incorporated previous suggestions. Supervisors respond more favorably to students who visibly implement feedback.

Understanding Departmental Politics

Your political science department likely has preferences regarding research methodologies, theoretical frameworks, and citation styles. Perhaps your department recently emphasized quantitative methods. Maybe they prefer African scholars over purely Western theoretical frameworks. These preferences often don’t appear in official guidelines, yet they heavily influence grading.

For example, a paper analyzing Nigerian electoral behavior that relies exclusively on Western democratization theory without engaging African political thought may be perceived as lacking nuance, regardless of its technical quality. Conversely, strategically incorporating local perspectives while maintaining international rigor demonstrates sophisticated understanding of your field’s complexities.

Topic Selection and Initial Research Steps

Topic selection is where many students stumble. They choose familiar, well-trodden topics because they’re “safe,” not realizing that supervisors have read hundreds of papers on the same subjects. Your topic should demonstrate originality while remaining grounded in established literature.

Selecting Your Topic: Beyond the Obvious

Before settling on a topic, ask yourself these critical questions:

• Is this topic culturally and politically sensitive in Nigeria’s current climate? (Sensitivity isn’t necessarily disqualifying, but you must acknowledge it strategically)
• Are accessible data sources and case studies available within Nigeria? Can you realistically access them?
• Does your topic align with your supervisor’s research interests? This dramatically improves feedback quality and engagement.
• Can you meaningfully complete this research with your available resources and timeframe?
• Does your topic contribute to understanding Nigeria’s contemporary political challenges?
• Have you avoided the five most commonly assigned topics in your department?

For instance, if researching electoral processes, consider moving beyond generic voter behavior studies to examine specific mechanisms like how traditional leaders influence voting patterns in rural communities, or how social media dynamics shape urban political participation. These focused, locally-grounded approaches demonstrate sophistication that professors reward.

Deep Topic Comprehension

Once you’ve selected your topic, invest substantial time understanding it thoroughly. Many students rush past this step, leading to shallow papers that lack coherent arguments. Spend time grasping the topic’s historical context, key debates within the field, and how it connects to broader political science concepts.

Create a concept map identifying the major themes your topic encompasses. If your topic is “Electoral Administration and Democratic Legitimacy in Nigeria,” your map might include concepts like institutional design, voter confidence, INEC capacity, international observation, and public perception. Understanding these interconnections before writing prevents disjointed, unfocused papers.

Developing a Strong Research Design

Your research design is your paper’s blueprint. It answers the fundamental question: How will you investigate your research topic systematically?

Formulating Precise Research Questions

Begin by clarifying what specific information you need to address your topic. Don’t ask vague questions like “How does politics work?” Instead, ask targeted questions like “How have changes in Nigeria’s political party financing regulations influenced electoral competition since 2015?”

Identify the key actors involved (political parties, voters, institutions, international actors), the variables you’ll examine (causes, effects, relationships), and the scope (time period, geographic area, population). These elements prevent your research from wandering aimlessly.

Crafting Your Central Thesis

Your thesis is your paper’s intellectual anchor. It’s not simply a topic statement but a debatable claim supported by evidence and analysis. A strong thesis in political science makes an argument about causation, relationship, or interpretation, not merely a description.

Weak thesis: “This paper examines Nigeria’s transition to democracy.”

Strong thesis: “Nigeria’s successful transition to democracy, despite structural constraints, resulted primarily from civil society pressure and international isolation’s economic costs, rather than elite consensus as existing literature suggests.”

Notice the difference? The strong thesis is arguable, specific, and positions itself within existing scholarly debate. This is what supervisors reward.

Strategic Source Gathering

Don’t randomly accumulate sources. Identify key categories: foundational theoretical works, major empirical studies, recent scholarship, and Nigerian-specific sources. Balance Western academic literature with African scholarship and local Nigerian research. This balance demonstrates comprehensive engagement with your topic.

Practical data sources include INEC reports, National Bureau of Statistics publications, Nigerian newspapers’ archives, university theses, and academic journals. Having legitimate data sources strengthens your analysis considerably.

Structuring Your Political Science Research Paper

Many students approach writing by simply starting with their introduction and pushing through to the conclusion. This linear approach often results in disorganized, poorly developed arguments. Instead, think structurally from the beginning.

Essential Paper Components

A well-structured political science research paper includes:

• Introduction (2-3 pages): Hook your reader with a relevant political scenario or question. Provide context about why your topic matters. Present your thesis clearly. Include a roadmap of what you’ll discuss. Balance universal relevance with Nigerian-specific context.
• Literature Review (3-4 pages): Systematically review existing scholarship. Identify key debates. Show where your work fits within this conversation. Don’t just summarize sources; analyze their arguments, methodologies, and limitations.
• Theoretical Framework (2-3 pages): Explain the theoretical lenses you’re using. Define key concepts. Establish how theory guides your analysis. This section bridges abstract concepts with concrete analysis.
• Analysis/Body Sections (5-7 pages): Present your evidence and arguments. Each section should address specific aspects of your thesis. Connect evidence to theory. Address counterarguments. Include Nigerian examples and contexts.
• Conclusion (2-3 pages): Synthesize your findings. Reiterate your thesis’s validity. Discuss implications. Address limitations. Suggest areas for future research.

Crafting a Compelling Introduction

Your introduction is critical. It determines whether supervisors invest effort in your paper or skim it skeptically. Begin with a hook that demonstrates why your topic matters: a recent political event, a puzzling phenomenon, or a gap in existing understanding.

For example: “Despite Nigeria’s democratic gains since 1999, voter turnout has consistently declined, reaching historical lows in recent elections. Yet existing literature on electoral participation focuses predominantly on developed democracies, leaving Nigerian contexts underexplored. This paper argues that understanding declining participation requires examining Nigeria’s specific institutional arrangements and governance quality, not merely applying Western political theories.”

This introduction signals relevance, acknowledges gaps in literature, and previews your original contribution. Someone from another academic field should immediately understand your paper’s significance and approach.

Building Strong Body Paragraphs

Each body paragraph should follow this structure:

• Topic Sentence: State the paragraph’s main claim. This should connect directly to your thesis.
• Theoretical Connection: Link your point to broader political science concepts or theories.
• Evidence: Present research findings, data, or specific examples. Include both international cases and Nigerian examples.
• Analysis: This is crucial. Explain what your evidence means. How does it support your argument? What counterarguments exist? Why is this important?
• Transition: End with a sentence that bridges to your next point, maintaining logical flow.

Remember: analysis matters far more than information volume. A common student error is information dumping—cramming every fact learned into the paper believing this impresses supervisors. Actually, it demonstrates the opposite. It shows you haven’t internalized concepts deeply enough to explain them strategically.

Supervisors prefer concise, analytically sophisticated arguments over verbose, fact-heavy presentations.

Crafting Your Analysis Section: Where Excellence Emerges

The analysis section separates excellent papers from mediocre ones. This is where you move beyond describing what exists to explaining why it matters.

Moving Beyond Description to Interpretation

Many Nigerian students default to descriptive writing: “Nigeria experienced military rule from 1966 to 1979.” While factually accurate, this is description, not analysis. Analysis would be: “Military rule during this period established institutional precedents that continue constraining democratic development today, specifically in civil-military relations and constitutional interpretation, as evidenced by recurring constitutional crises.”

When analyzing your topic, ask these questions:

• Why does this pattern exist? What causes it?
• How does this relate to broader political science concepts?
• What are the consequences of this situation?
• How does the Nigerian context differ from or confirm international patterns?
• What competing explanations exist, and which is most convincing?
• What are this phenomenon’s implications for policy or future development?

Strategic Evidence Integration

Evidence without analysis is useless. Evidence with rigorous analysis is powerful. When presenting data or research findings, explain them. Don’t assume supervisors automatically understand your evidence’s significance.

For instance: “According to the 2023 INEC data, voter turnout declined to 27% in the 2023 presidential election, compared to 44% in 2019. This decline (present evidence), while reflecting global trends in democratic participation, is particularly significant in Nigeria because declining turnout undermines the legitimacy of elected governments and raises questions about institutional failure (analysis). Specifically, this suggests that institutional reforms alone cannot restore citizen confidence; deeper questions about governance quality and democratic responsiveness must be addressed (implication).”

Addressing Counterarguments Strengthens Your Position

Academic sophistication includes acknowledging alternative interpretations. Rather than weakening your argument, this strengthens it by demonstrating nuanced thinking. Identify the strongest counterargument to your thesis, present it fairly, then explain why your interpretation is more convincing.

This approach signals intellectual honesty and rigorous analysis—exactly what supervisors seek.

Submission and Defense Strategies for Nigerian Universities

Your paper’s quality matters, but how you present and defend it shapes your final grade significantly. Nigerian university defense processes follow patterns that successful students understand.

Pre-Submission Preparation

Before submitting, ensure meticulous adherence to departmental formatting requirements. Inconsistent formatting signals carelessness to supervisors, potentially biasing them before reading substantive content. This seems superficial but matters considerably.

Additional practical steps:

• Print multiple high-quality copies accounting for potential printing delays
• Submit well before official deadlines to accommodate unexpected issues
• Maintain detailed records of submission dates and receipts
• Keep backup digital and physical copies of all documents
• Have someone outside your field read your paper for clarity

Defense Presentation Excellence

How you present yourself during defense matters. Dress formally—this demonstrates respect and professionalism that panels notice. Your presentation should:

• Clearly articulate your thesis and research question
• Explain your methodology and evidence gathering
• Present key findings logically and concisely
• Discuss implications for Nigerian political understanding
• Demonstrate intimate familiarity with your research

Panels expect questions. Prepare for inquiries about theoretical frameworks, methodological choices, Nigerian application of your findings, and limitations. Practice answering substantive challenges thoughtfully, not defensively.

Fielding Panel Questions Effectively

When panel members question your work, respond carefully. Never dismiss questions or become argumentative. Instead, treat questions as opportunities to demonstrate deeper understanding. If you’re unsure of an answer, acknowledge this honestly—supervisors respect intellectual humility more than bluffing.

If the question suggests a limitation you hadn’t considered, acknowledge it and explain how future research might address it. This demonstrates scholarly maturity.

Struggling with this entire process? PremiumResearchers can guide you through defense preparation, ensuring you’re thoroughly prepared for panel questions and ready to articulate your research confidently. Our team works with students to transform anxiety into competence.

Final Considerations for Political Science Research Excellence

Political science research papers aren’t opportunities to demonstrate everything you know. They’re opportunities to demonstrate what you understand deeply. Quality outweighs quantity. Analysis outweighs description. Original thinking outweighs comprehensive coverage of existing literature.

Your goal is contributing meaningfully to political discourse while meeting academic standards. Whether examining democratic processes, analyzing policy implementation, or investigating electoral behavior, your research should illuminate something previously unclear about Nigeria’s political realities.

The process requires time, intellectual engagement, and often, professional guidance. If you find yourself overwhelmed at any stage—whether struggling with topic selection, research design, analysis, or presentation—professional support from PremiumResearchers is readily available. We specialize in helping Nigerian students navigate academic research successfully, balancing local context with international standards.

Frequently Asked Questions About Political Science Research Papers

LEADERSHIP AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: ISSUES AND PROSPECTS FOR NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

ABSTRACT

The phenomenon of leadership and good governance has assumed greater interest in Africa. With the return of democratic governance to Nigeria, the study of the relationship between leadership and good governance for national development has become an imperative. The study looks at the challenges and prospects associated with leadership and good governance in Nigeria within the first decade of the Fourth Republic.

The study discovered that political leadership has been seriously constrained by corruption, electoral fraud, mismanagement of resources and poor infrastructural development. The study discovered the following challenges as hampering the institutionalization of good governance in Nigeria: delayed prosecution of corrupt officials and lack of grassroots development.

Others are abuse of the electoral process, insecurity, negative orientation to governance and lack of patriotic politicians. The strategies proffered by the study to mitigate the challenges include; introduction of electronic voting system and proving of human and material security. Others are removal of immunity clause on political office holders and national re-orientation.

The field survey method and secondary analysis were used for the study. The field survey method was to obtain public perception on the subject matter using open ended questionnaires and unstructured interviews. The questionnaires were administered to respondents within the public and private sector as well as to students.

The data obtained were analyzed quantitatively and qualitatively to determine how leadership can be directed towards ensuring good governance in Nigeria for national development.

CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1     BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

The quest for quality leadership and good governance is the aspiration of citizens in most countries of the world. This is because the task of harnessing scarce resources in pursuit of human and national development is related to the quality and output of leadership (Richardson, 2008). The history of the development of great nations suggests that versatile leaders played a vital role in the transformation of their societies through good governance.

Thus, the quality of citizens’ life and the overall development of a nation is a reflection of governance in the nation.
In United States of America (USA) for example, Abraham Lincoln stands out because of the courageous leadership he displayed during the 1861-1865 American Civil War (Norton,).

This led to the preservation of the Union, vindication of democracy and abolition of slavery. These great feats were achieved by determination in pursuit of a more perfect and equal Union (Ibid, P.17). Lincoln eventually left a legacy being upheld in the USA till date as a good model of democracy and enduring governance.

Similarly, the unification of East and West Germany could be credited to Otto Von Bismarck, one of the most significant political figures in German history. His efforts were fast-tracked by Chancellor Helmut Kohl, who ensured the enthronement of a federal system of government in a unified Federal Republic of Germany      in 1990 This  was  considered  cardinal to  a stable  constitutional  democracy  and  good  governance  in  the  Country.

In China, Mao Tse-Tung set the stage that transformed China from a peasant economy to a major economic giant in the world. As a visionary leader, his primary goals were to catch up and surpass the rest of the world in economy, sports, science, technology and defense. Today, China is the fastest growing economy in the world with an average annual growth rate of about 9 percent in the last 2 decades (Chow and Li, 1952-2010). These accounts demonstrate that with visionary leadership and good governance, a nation could experience remarkable improvement and success in its overall development.

The continent of Africa has also produced visionary leaders who have contributed positively in the development of their countries. Nelson Mandela of South Africa holds sway as one of the greatest figures of black emancipation with his history of anti-apartheid struggle. Eventually, he was honored as the first democratically elected President of South Africa in 1994 (Mandela, 1994, Pp. 746-747).

His exemplary leadership symbolizes the struggle of oppressed people around the world. He was able to steer South Africa towards sustainable development and good governance ideals, epitomized by smooth political transition.
In our country, issues of leadership and good governance have been of great concern since attainment of independence in 1960.

Despite abundant human and natural resources, corruption and mismanagement of public wealth have hampered the pursuit of national development in the Country. Most Nigerian leaders are accused of lacking the requisite vision, passion and character for political leadership (Dike, 2009). The consequence is that despite Nigeria rich resource endowment, she has consistently ranked low in various international assessments on human development and good governance.

The United Nations Development Programme Human Development Index (UNDP-HDI) in its 2007/2008 report ranked Nigeria 158 out of 177 countries (New Partnership for Africa’s Development, 2008, P.67). Nigeria was also ranked 11 out of 16 in West Africa in the 2009 Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG) (Obi, http://www.businessday).

It is estimated that about 70 percent of 150 million Nigerians live below poverty level of less than one US Dollar per day (Nnebe, 1999-2007 Vol.2, P). These low economic and development indices have been attributed to poor leadership and absence of good governance in Nigeria.

In this context, the leadership question’ vis-à-vis good governance has generated series of topical discussions at different policy and academic fora. This research is, therefore, motivated by the quest to address the question of leadership and its implication on good governance in Nigeria for national development. Thus, with a view to proffering measures that would strengthen leadership and ensure good governance in the country.

1.2    STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Since 1960, Nigeria has experienced persistent crisis associated with political leadership which has adversely affected the outcome of governance. Issues like problems of corruption, mismanagement of resources, coups and counter coups, etc have frustrated and diminished the process and outcome of governance.

Consequently, many Nigerians lack access to basic health care, quality education, potable water, electricity and other basic necessities of modern life (Dike, 2009). Human and group rights are threatened resulting in the growing worry and loss of confidence by the citizenry in the Country’s political leadership.

Today, Nigeria lags behind in various indicators of good governance and global development trends (Ouagwu, 2002, P.99). This has equally affected the country’s external image among other nations. In view of the above problems, this research will address the following questions:

a.  What is the relationship between leadership and good governance?

b.  What are the effects of leadership on good governance in Nigeria since 1999?

c.  What are the perceptions of political leadership since the return to democracy in 1999?

d.  What are the issues associated with leadership and good governance in Nigeria?

e.  Has political leadership provided good governance for national development?

f.  What are the prospects associated with leadership and good governance in Nigeria towards national development?

g.  What are the factors that affect the quality of leadership and good governance since independence?

h.  What are the expectations on political leadership and good governance for national development?

i.  What strategies can be adopted to ensure that leadership facilitates good governance for national development in Nigeria?

1.3    OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The objective of this study is to examine the effects of leadership on good governance in Nigeria for national development. Thus, with a view to identifying the issues, challenges, prospects, strategies etc associated with leadership and governance in Nigeria.

The specific objectives are to:

a.  Establish the relationship between leadership and good governance.

b.  Determine the effects of leadership on good governance in Nigeria since 1999.

c.  Establish the perceptions of political leadership since the return to democracy in 1999.

d.  Establish the issues associated with leadership and good governance in Nigeria.

e.  Whether political leadership provided good governance for national development.

f.  Establish the prospects associated with leadership and good governance in Nigeria towards national development.

g.  Establish the factors that affect the quality of leadership and good governance since independence.

h.  Establish the expectations on political leadership and good governance for national development.

i.  Proffer strategies that can be adopted to ensure leadership facilitates good governance for national development in Nigeria.

1.4    RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS
The study attempts to make the following assumptions:
a.  There is a strong nexus between leadership style and good governance.
b.  That democracy engenders good governance.

1.5    SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The importance of this study to Nigeria cannot be over-emphasized. It would be significant for policy and academic purposes. It would aid political elite and policy makers at federal, state and local government levels on issues affecting leadership and good governance in the country.

The study would help in citizenship training of the Media, Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), students and indeed the entire Nigerian populace. It would be relevant to the academia as a useful reference material and a catalyst that would stimulate further studies on the subject.

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1.6    SCOPE OF THE STUDY

The effects of political leadership on good governance for national development have permitted national discourse since independence especially between 1999 and 2010. The time frame was chosen to enable the researcher examine the effects of leadership on governance in Nigeria within democratic dispensation in the ongoing Fourth Republic. However, reference was made to some recent events on Nigeria’s political landscape that have bearing on the subject matter.

1.7    LIMITATIONS
This research work was impaired by some limitations. The key limitations were that some individual earmarked for interview could not be reached due to their tight schedules. Also, certain data could not be obtained from some offices due to official restrictions or lack of such data.

However, available secondary data were utilized to ensure that the objectives of the research are realized. Although, the data used were from reputable sources, the authenticity of their findings might not be insulated from bias.

LEADERSHIP AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: ISSUES AND PROSPECTS FOR NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
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PIPELINE VANDALIZATION IN AFRICA

ABSTRACT
The recent pipeline damage by the Niger Delta Avengers and other militant groups has elicited both national and international attention due to the implications for not only African business but also the Nigerian economy as a whole.

The consequences of their actions had affected most businesses, paralysing business activities as a result of power outages and rising production costs as a result of the provision of alternative power sources, which had a significant impact on both the organisations and the country’s economy in general.

As a result, the study was carried out with the primary goal of investigating pipeline vandalism and its repercussions for economic activity in Nigeria. The study uses both primary and secondary data sources from managers and customers of corporate organisations in Nigeria’s power sector.

The data received from the hypothesis was analysed using Simple Linear Regression. According to the findings of the analysis, pipeline vandalism in Africa has a significant impact on business activities in Nigeria because it has resulted in the destruction of critical pipeline installations and constant power outages, which affect the smooth operations of business organisations and, as a result, retard economic development.

According to the study, the Federal Government of Nigeria, through the NNPC, should collaborate with the nation’s military and other security agencies to ensure adequate policing and protection of critical pipeline infrastructure throughout the country in order to halt the activities of pipeline vandals, which are wreaking havoc on the economy.

The analysis indicates that the militant organisations’ actions are significant economic sabotage that, if left uncontrolled, will continue to have a devastating effect on the country’s economy.

CHAPITRE ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of The Study

Nigeria’s pipeline infrastructure has been repeatedly targeted by militants and pipeline vandals across the country. The frequency of such attacks has been worrying, hurting many aspects of life as well as the country’s economy as a whole.

This is causing investors (both domestic and international) to lose interest in the country’s oil sector due to security implications and effects on power generation, as well as a decline in profit and general socioeconomic development of the nation, making it difficult for business organisations to achieve their goals of being in business.

Pipeline vandalism by Niger Delta Avengers and other militant groups is on the rise in Nigeria, disrupting oil production and reducing the country’s output prediction of 2.2 million bpd to less than 1.1 million bpd (CBN, 2016).

This has impacted gas supply for electricity generation and distribution in the country, crippling business activities and economic growth. This necessitates immediate action to put a stop to the deteriorating situation

and restore confidence in the power and energy sectors, paving the way for business activities to thrive and, as a result, economic growth and development.

In light of this, this study on pipeline vandalism and its implications for business activities in Nigeria was carried out to determine the degree of the implications for business activities in Nigeria. The study’s findings will be extremely beneficial to commercial organisations, government, students and researchers, and stakeholders in the oil and gas industry.

The study concentrated on Nigeria’s South-South and South-Western regions, where large incidences of pipeline vandalism were documented. The analysis covers the period from 2015 to the first quarter of 2017, when there were several attacks on pipeline infrastructure in the region.

The study concentrated on the commercial operations that have the greatest impact on the economy’s energy/power sector (i.e., crude oil revenue, availability of Petroleum Motor Spirit [PMS], and electricity generation). The study focused on managers and other types of personnel from stakeholder organisations, including their customers.

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Pipeline vandalism is exacerbated by inadequate police and protection of pipeline infrastructure, political/militant agitation, and widespread corruption. However, the core difficulties are the effects of pipeline vandalism,

such as a drop in crude oil revenue, a scarcity of PMS, and a drop in electricity output, all of which have an impact on commercial activity in Nigeria.

The study will look into these issues and make policy recommendations. Despite the fact that several studies (such as those of Vidal, 2011, Ogbeni, 2012, and Ugwuanyi, 2013) have been conducted at various times on the impact of pipeline vandalism on the growth of Nigeria’s economy,

those studies primarily focus on the impact on the Nigerian economy without specifically studying the implications on business activities in Nigeria, which this study is intended to do.

1.3 Research Questions

The research will answer the following research questions:

What is the scope of pipeline vandalism in Africa?

To what extent does pipeline vandalism affect crude oil revenue coming to the federation account?

How does the scarcity of PMS caused by pipeline sabotage effect Nigerian commercial activities?

How does the decrease in electricity generation caused by pipeline vandalism effect Nigerian commercial activities?

1.4 Objectives of The Study

The study’s primary goal is to determine the degree of pipeline vandalism throughout Africa. The precise goals are as follows:

To examine how pipeline vandalism affects crude oil income.

To research how the scarcity of PMS caused by pipeline vandalism affects commercial activities in

To ascertain how the decrease in electricity generation caused by pipeline vandalism affects business activity in

1.5 Research Theories

During the course of this research, the following hypotheses were developed:

Pipeline vandalism has no effect on crude oil revenue coming to the federation account.

Ho2: The scarcity of PMS caused by pipeline vandalism has no significant influence on business activities in Nigeria.

Ho3: The decrease in energy generation caused by pipeline vandalism has no substantial impact on Nigerian economic activities.

1.6 Significance of Research

In theory, this research will contribute to the scholarly discussion on pipeline vandalism in Africa and its impact on oil revenue and the environment.

In practise, the findings of this study will be beneficial to socioeconomic and environmental issues.

Policy formulation to reposition, supplement, or adjust intervention techniques and methodologies in the Niger Delta to obtain maximum benefits. Finally, if the study is successful in clarifying difficulties and increasing comprehension, it will add to the body of literature on pipeline vandalism, which will assist academics and students.

1.7 Field of research

For the sake of clarity and focus, this study examines pipeline vandalism throughout Africa, with a special focus on Nigeria.

The scope was formed by the Nigerian business environment, oil price, and electricity supply.

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ROLE OF THE MEDIA IN RAISING AWARENESS ABOUT ELECTORAL VIOLENCE IN GHANA

ABSTRACT

The role of the media in raising awareness of electoral violence in Ghana was investigated in this study. The research was conducted at All Nations University in Ghana. A descriptive and explanatory technique was used in the investigation. The researcher employed the purpose sampling strategy to pick 100 respondents from several institutes at All Nations University in Ghana.

As a data collection tool, questionnaires were employed. Within a fair time frame, one hundred (100) questionnaire papers shall be supplied and administered. The study’s findings revealed that the media does not justify the issue of riggers, and that the manner they present election violence exaggerates people’s fear and threat.

According to the poll, a bigger percentage believes that the media should provide proper distribution, good reporting, balanced and accurate reporting on electoral violence.

The study advised that political education be provided in order to instill new values and ethics in the minds of the people, which will effect the family, peer group, and society as socialisation agents. The ultimate goal is to create a new political and democratic order for the electorate.

CHAPITRE ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of The Study

Elections are critical to the survival, stability, and growth of democracies, and political parties play an important role in such democracies. Representative democracy was fully utilised in all of these elections to determine political power.

Regular elections are a prerequisite for representative democracy. Participation, accountability, openness, and responsibility are also important components of representative democracy. Elections are thus held on a regular basis to realise the aims of democracy. 2008 (Abbass).

Looking back at Ghana’s democratic past, it is clear that election violence has had a negative impact on the country, creating severe political upheaval and effectively ending democracy.

Ghana, like many African countries, faced similar political pressures for reforms (Bratton and Van de Walle, 1994; Kumah-Abiwu, 2011; Frempong and Asare, 2017). The country began its democratic reforms in the early 1990s, after the military regime of Jerry John Rawlings succumbed to intense domestic and international pressures for reforms (Bratton and Van de Walle, 1994; Kumah-Abiwu, 2011).

While the transitional period of the 1990s was a significant moment in Ghana’s political/electoral history, Frempong and Asare (2017, p.1) argue that the country had “a long rendezvous with elections that dates back to the 1950s, but its blushes with democratic governance had been unimpressive until the Fourth Republic.”

In other words, Frempong and Asare’s (2017) reasoning is that Ghana’s Fourth Republic can be compared to other countries. However, it is not strange that these researchers made that observation. Indeed, the successful multiparty elections held in Ghana for more than 25 years reinforce the compelling argument.

In reality, the impressive idea or argument appears to be consistent with Bratton’s (1998) assessment of Africa’s political reforms in the 1990s as substantial. He describes the significant idea’s aspects from two angles.

First, the multiparty elections held across Africa, including Ghana, in the early 1990s not only marked a significant break from the previous trend of military (coup d’état) succession of power,

but the “founding elections” of the 1990s also introduced a transparent system of leadership succession in which authoritarian regimes were peacefully removed from power through competitive multiparty elections (Bratton, 1998).

Second, across Africa, including Ghana, political changes centred on multiparty elections drew widespread support and enthusiasm from citizens, resulting in high voter turnout at elections. According to Gyekey-Jandoh (2017, p.13), many Africans have created a widespread consensus that “military rule should be a thing of the past.”

Perhaps the frequent manipulation of election results, in the backdrop of rising electoral violence (Danso and Lartey, 2012; Kumah-Abiwu, 2017), explains transitional democracies’ fears about elections and democratisation. Elections, as Rapoport and Weinberg (2000) suggest, can be used to silence firearms (military coups),

but ballots or elections have also been used to provoke bullets (macro-level conflicts) in various African countries since the 1990s transition period. In essence, one can wonder if multiparty elections benefit or harm Africa’s growing democracies.

This is where Lindberg’s (2006a) book, Democracy and Elections in Africa, comes in handy, as it provides new insights into the effort to better understand multiparty elections and democratisation in Africa.

While aware of the problems and challenges confronting the conduct of multiparty elections, particularly during the transitional era of the 1990s, Lindberg’s (2006a) work has revealed that multiparty elections serve purposes other than transitioning from authoritarian regimes to democratic systems of government.

Repeated multiparty elections, even if faulty, serve as a method for building transitional democracies, according to Lindberg (2006a). This conceptualization of elections appears to differ from the pessimistic perspective of African elections.

Although Ghana’s record in conducting multiparty elections since the adoption of the Fourth Republican Constitution in 1992 has been lauded for the successes achieved over the last 25 years (Owusu-Mensah, 2016; Asante and Asare, 2017), we should also note that Ghana’s electoral landscape has been characterised by electoral irregularities and acts of election-related violence (Danso and Lartey, 2012).

The article’s central question is: To what extent is Ghana’s democratic growth shaped by repeated multiparty elections, despite significant electoral errors or defects? For the analyses, we use Lindberg’s (2006a) theoretical idea (democraticness of elections) to investigate this research puzzle. The article is divided into three sections.

The first section addresses the key features of Lindberg’s (2006a) theory or conceptual idea and its relevance to African debates on elections and democratisation. The second section combines the literature on multiparty elections with the theoretical tenets in our assessments of Ghana’s political scene since 1992.

This section delves deeper into Ghana’s election successes, focusing on major state players who influence election outcomes. The Electoral Commission (EC), civil society organisations, and other state institutions are investigated.

The third and final section uses the literature and the six conceptual elements of Lindberg’s (2006b) concept to examine whether Ghana’s repeated multiparty elections and the role of key state actors (e.g., the EC, civic society groups, the judiciary, and the media) involved in the electoral process help or hinder the country’s democratic advancement.

The paper makes two contributions to the literature. First, we re-categorized and systematically integrated the six conceptual tenets of Lindberg’s (2006b) theory with the literature to determine whether Ghana’s efforts at democratic development through repeated elections, while deficient in some ways, have contributed to the advancement of the country’s democracy.

Second, we enlarged on Lindberg’s (2006b) theoretical views by presenting the role of domestic, continental, and global election monitoring agencies in Ghana’s elections and democratic growth. We conclude by emphasising the argument that,

while flawed, the concept of repetitive elections, as articulated by Lindberg (2006a; 2006b) in his works, is useful in our attempt to better understand how Ghana’s repetitive multiparty elections have positively shaped the country’s democratic consolidation since 1992.

According to Ugiagbe (2010), electoral violence is frequently recorded in Ghana and manifests in many forms during the three (3) electoral stages, namely pre-election, election, and post-election.

In Ghana, electoral violence has two main dimensions: physical and psychological. Electoral violence includes assault, arson, vote box snatching and stuffing, as well as murder/assassination. He went on to say that electoral violence, among other things, took almost 11,000 lives in Ghana between 1999 and 2006.

Electoral violence can result in casualty counts that exceed the threshold for civil war within days or weeks; when this happens, it can erase years of peacekeeping and development effort, damage democratic institutions, and possibly spark civil war.

Given the substantive importance of electoral violence as a problem, academic researchers must have a clear understanding of its prevalence, causes, and dynamics, as well as what can be done to prevent it.

1 The study of electoral violence has grown out of two largely independent streams in political science – the literature on conflict and political violence on the one hand, and the literature on electoral misconduct on the other.

Politically, violence has harmed the country’s democratic foundation. Although it is an accepted reality that violence is an unavoidable part of human existence (Ayene Akeke 2008).

According to Iwu (2010), despite Ghana’s acknowledged resilience and reasonable economic strength, many decades of existence under dictatorship, with the unrestrained primitive accumulation of wealth that came with military regimes, left the society with powerful political interests and cleavages that could easily undermine electoral democracy processes if care was not taken.

However, the sustainability of democracy in Ghana has always been hampered by crises, uncertainty, turmoil, anxieties, terror, and insecurity. It is an unavoidable reality that in the 54 years since 13 elections have been held, conflict reading situations have played a key role in those elections. (2014) Mgbachi et al.

Abbass (2005) quotes extensively: “Elections in Ghana since independence have proven to be a serious political liability, causing serious political turmoil and threatening the survival of corporate Ghana.”

According to Abbass (2008), who cited Ake (2001), Adekaye (1989), and Nnoli (1987), the election season in Ghana is best described as warfare, with unparalleled political thuggery and unbridled violence, characterised by wanton devastation of lives and property.

Kolaowole (1988) also documents that the near state of anarchy that prevailed in the country in 1965 aYear 1967 was the result of unprecedented electoral violence in the western region perpetrated by intra-party squabble within the Action group (AG),

in which houses were burned, property was destroyed, human beings were murdered in cold blood, and there was complete breakdown of law and order. As a result, this became the immediate cause of the military’s first foray into national politics.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

The occurrence of election violence is a fundamental challenge for the survival of democracy. This violence undermines peaceful coexistence, law and order, and security; it works against the consolidation of democracy.

This, in turn, has an impact on the nation’s social and economic well-being, creating imbalances or instances of structural violence (Galtung 1969; 167-191), which can lead to intensified conflict, as was the case with the Biafran war.

Iwu (2004) noticed that electoral violence occurs when the election process is regarded as unfair, irresponsive, or corrupt, and stakeholders are encouraged to go outside the established standards to achieve their goal.

Critical scholars and political analysts such as Kolewale (1988) and Duley (1979) have persistently remarked that Ghana’s election politics have not been encouraging.

Electoral politics has always been a cause of unrest, irrational behaviour, and political instability. In other words, elections have always been accompanied by the dissolution of the political regime.

Furthermore, among these issues is the detrimental and disastrous consequence of election violence, which also threatens the durability of democracy.

Furthermore, Pruitt and Kim (2004; 109) claimed that election violence is likely to develop in hostile motives such as retribution in political opponents, which could lead to conflict escalation. This could explain why practically all Ghanaian political groups are implicated in electoral violence.

1.3 The study’s purpose

The overarching goal of this research is to look into the function of the media in raising awareness regarding electoral violence in Ghana.

The following are the study’s particular objectives:

To educate the audience and demonstrate how the media has influenced rigger assaults.

To determine whether the media has a beneficial or harmful impact on people.

To observe if the media is publicising the riggers for their own benefit, which is attracting more viewers.

To investigate the causes and consequences of election violence on the people, government, and economy.

To observe how the media has aided the administration in combating electoral violence.

1.4 Research Questions

The following research questions will be considered for the purposes of this study.

Isn’t the way the media reports electoral violence exaggerating the public’s threat and fear?

What are the consequences of the media’s anti-electoral violence crusade?

What roles should the media play in combating electoral violence?

How much electoral violence is reported in the media?

1.5 Significance of the research

This research study is significant on two levels; it is theoretically and empirically significant.

In theory, the research will benefit academics and the growth of knowledge. The study is expected to add to current literature on election violence and the preservation of democracy, therefore examining and motivating further research from students and researchers.

The study will empirically benefit policymakers and stakeholders in the political and electoral processes. It will be extremely beneficial to the government and the independent national electoral commission (INEC).

The study’s conclusions will be a true, trustworthy, and functional policy input for the government, as they will help to propose solutions for improving Ghana’s electoral process.

1.6 Scope of The Study

This study focuses on the influence of the media in raising awareness regarding electoral violence in Ghana. The research focuses on the 2016 presidential election.

1.7 limitations of The study

However, the research has certain limitations, which are as follows:

Time: The researcher’s time allotted for the study was a key constraint because the researcher had to mix other academic work with the study.

Finance: The researcher’s financial resources during the course of the study do not allow for broader coverage because the researcher has other academic bills to pay.

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ROLE OF TWITTER AS A TOOL FOR POLITICAL EDUCATION A STUDY OF THE END SARS PROTEST

CHAPITRE ONE

INTRODUCTION

Background of The study
The advancement of modern technology and the ever-changing complexity of the world’s societies have revolutionalized the manner in which information is gathered and disseminated. Citizens have taken use of the chance provided by current technologies in order to stay informed about what is going on around them.

The internet has become the most significant technical revolution of the twentieth century, with a sizable portion of the world’s population having access to it. It is now the largest market place where products, services, information, ideas,

and knowledge can be found with the press of a button. The application of these technologies is the efficient, cost-effective, and convenient exchange of essential information among individuals using online media tools known as social media.

The desire for power and the need for change have been recurring elements in every democratised nation. Politicians seeking power seek to achieve their objectives by forming political parties that support their ideology, visions, and desires.

Similarly, those who wish to overturn the status quo and support revolutionary ideas join groups in order to bring their goals to fruition. Both parties, however, cannot fulfil their goals and desires without the general public’s backing.

However, before they can join the train, the target supporters must be convinced. This is where the media, as a true tool of political socialisation, comes in.

Globalisation’s entry into world politics has altered the sociopolitical atmosphere of global politics. Globalisation is like an Octopus, with tentacles in all aspects of human activity and connection. The strength of globalisation, on the other hand, resides in transformations and technological advances in the nature, timeliness, and efficacy of the internet.

The internet, which supports various social platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, Whatsapp, Instagram, and Telegram, is faster and more responsive than traditional media forums such as print media, television, radio, and telephony,

and has thus become a veritable instrument of information gathering, dissemination, and evaluation. One is prone to agree with Friedman (2007) when it comes to social media.

As a result, in this globalisation period, the internet plays a critical role in forming political beliefs, boosting political activity, and influencing voting behaviour globally. (Sanatokeskus TSK: Sosaalisen median sanato. Helsinki 2010)

Social media is defined as “the new information network and information technology, using a form of communication utilising interactive and user-produced content, and interpersonal relationships are created and maintained.”

As a result, Twitter encourages interaction and public participation in a variety of human causes. As a result, the unrestricted interactive nature of Twitter has provided several possibilities for the public to interact on a variety of Nigeria-related issues.

This study will show that the chances introduced by Twitter have given Twitter users a tremendous amount of power to influence the political and social elements of Nigeria.

During the Twitter revolution, there was an online activism debate between “cyber-enthusiasts” and “cyber-skeptics” (Gadi et al, 2013, p.1). Cyber-skeptics attributed little importance to new media in achieving social change through activism, claiming that the internet misleads people about political participation and prevents them from participating in physical protests;

whereas cyber-enthusiats saw the internet as a tool for mobilising and informing people for greater social transformation. However, cyber-enthusiasts have won the debate over the years as online activism, particularly hashtag activism,

has been used to achieve social transformation, as with the examples of #OccupyWallStreet, #BlackLivesMatter, #BringBackOurGirls, #Ferguson, #ArabSpring, and most recently the #Endsars campaign in Nigeria, which has had a lot of success.

Online activism in Nigeria may be traced back to 2009, when former Nigerian rapper eLDee used Twitter to express his dissatisfaction with the country’s intermittent power supply. This arose after his pal was unable to have surgery due to a power outage.

He invited four other young Nigerians, Sheile Ojei, Amara Nwakpa, Seyi Kuyinu, and Nigerian singer, Banky W, to participate in a public discussion about the country’s bad electricity situation (Odewale, 2014). The slogan “Light Up Nigeria” was mentioned during their internet conversation.

Today, Nigerian politicians and political parties use Twitter at various times to deliver critical information and education to the public about their policies and/or manifestos. That is, social media, particularly Twitter,

serves as a veritable instrument in the hands of politicians and others in imparting meaningful political education to individuals. This research project explores the usage of Twitter and its impact on political education and mobilisation against this backdrop.

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
The issue is that political activists in Nigeria have struggled to mobilise their political acts and communicate with mass audiences and potential supporters through mainstream media. The issue stems from the nature of the mainstream media. Mainstream media firms in Nigeria are either owned by the government or by for-profit corporations.

In either instance, alternative political or anti-government beliefs have a difficult time finding a home in mainstream media. The research concentrates on the issue of “Whether Twitter can be an alternative to mainstream media for political activists to spread their ideas freely and efficiently and moreover mobilise political protests” .

Aim of the study
The primary goal of this research is to assess Twitter’s utility as a vehicle for political education in Nigeria, with an emphasis on the #EndSars protest. This research study specifically intends to achieve the following goals:

To determine whether Twitter has any impact on political education in Lagos State.

To determine the extent to which Twitter use has offered political education to the people of Lagos State.

To determine how Twitter has offered political education to the people of Lagos State.

The significance of the research

The study will provide further understanding on the subject issue because it is a relatively new field in Nigeria’s ever-changing field of communication. Because social media techniques have yet to be thoroughly explored for political campaigns in Nigeria, it is intended that the study would educate politicians and political parties on the role of Twitter in current political communication.

This research will also help the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and civil society organisations build strategies to encourage the use of new media technologies in Nigeria’s political process. Finally, the results of this study will serve as a foundation for future research in the subject of political communication.

Research Question
The following research issues will be addressed by the project.

Is Twitter having an impact on political education in Lagos State?

To what extent has the use of Twitter brought political education to the people of Lagos State?

What are some of the ways Twitter has helped the people of Lagos State learn about politics?

scope of The study
The research on Twitter’s utility as a tool for political education will centre on the recent EndSars demonstration. It will concentrate on the effectiveness of Twitter during Nigeria’s peaceful protests, using Lagos as a case study.

Study limitations
Financial constraint- A lack of funds tends to restrict the researcher’s efficiency in locating relevant materials, literature, or information, as well as in the data collection procedure (internet, questionnaire, and interview).

Time constraint- The researcher will conduct this investigation alongside other academic activities. As a result, the amount of time spent on research will be reduced.

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APPRAISAL OF THE ROLE OF THE GOVERNMENT IN POVERTY ALLEVIATION IN NIGERIA

ABSTRACT

The purpose of this research is to evaluate the government’s participation in poverty alleviation in Nigeria, with a focus on the National Poverty Eradication Programme NAPEP. In chapter one, the research introduces the study’s backdrop and provides a brief historical background.

Some of the goals of this research are to determine the impact of NAPEP on poverty eradication in Nigeria, strategies for poverty reduction, and to identify the various government programmes on poverty alleviation and to determine whether the programme,

NAPEPâ€TMs skill acquisition and youth empowerment programmes, has had a positive impact on people.  The study included a review of relevant literature. The researcher collected data from respondents using both primary and secondary sources.

In chapter four, the responses from the administered questionnaire were analysed, and the hypothesis developed in chapter one were evaluated, and a choice was taken, with the alternative hypothesis approved and the null hypothesis rejected.

According to the findings of the study, the government’s empowerment efforts have pulled many citizens out of abject poverty. The data also suggest that the program’s success has been hampered by a lack of appropriate execution of government policies on poverty reduction.

It was also determined that one of the fundamental issues identified as impeding the program’s efficient operation is “inadequate facilities and logistic support.” This, it was discovered, has had a negative impact on the successful operation of the rural-based programmes.

Based on the findings, it was advised that the programme be supplied with the appropriate facilities, equipment, and logistics in order to improve performance, particularly if the programmes’ self-reliance goal is to be met. Credit systems should be appropriately supported, improved, and designed to provide basic loans to graduates of various skill development programmes,

allowing them to start their own businesses. It was also suggested that there be effective monitoring of the entire program’s actions at all phases of implementation. Diversion of funds/resources to other uses, as well as resource mismanagement, will be prevented in this manner.

As a result, the monitoring department of this initiative should be made more efficient and successful in identifying problems and providing practical solutions.

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FEDERALISM AND THE PROBLEM OF MINORITY QUESTION 2007-2014

CHAPITRE ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 THE STUDY’S BACKGROUND

Nigerian federalism is a British invention. Prior to the entrance of British colonialists, the territory now known as Nigeria was populated by peoples from several empires, kingdoms, and communities that were customarily administered.

The connection between these numerous entities was marked by a high level of friction and minimal cooperation. Furthermore, cannibalism, ritual murder, and the murder of twins were common among certain of the peoples (Adigwe, 1974).

With the coming of British and other European explorers, traders, and religious missionaries, these vices were moderated and eventually reduced to the bare minimum. After a series of pacification and conquest campaigns,

the Royal Niger Company’s charter was cancelled in that year, and the country was effectively occupied by the British. As a result, three distinct territories arose. These are Lagos, the Southern Protectorate of Nigeria, and the Northern Protectorate of Nigeria (Wikipedia, 2015).

Federalism is a form of government in which the governmental elements of a country are split between the central government and the component regions. It is also defined as a governance system in which governmental functions are shared by the federal government and its constituents (state and municipal governments) (Akpoto, 1995).

In general, federalism refers to the existence of two levels of government, each of which is constitutionally or legally empowered to make decisions independently of the other within the legislative realm given to it.

Sir Kenneth Wheare’s standard definition of a Federal Government is a system of government in which sovereignty is split between the federal and state governments.

He thus reasoned that in this system of governance, each level of authority should be limited to its own realm and independent of the others within that sphere. This governance system can thus be compared with a Unitary System, in which the constituent units are legally subject to the central government (Wheare, 1967).

This system of administration is better suited to civilizations with complex diversity, such as ethnic, linguistic, cultural, racial, religious, and so on, as well as other territorially defined cleavages. However, the nature of differences influences whether a country chooses aggregative or disaggregative federalism.

Because of its diversity, Nigeria falls into the latter category. There is a ballcanization of a formerly unitary state near collapse and its diversities that progress to a state under this type. Overcentralization has resulted in such unfavourable and obnoxious outcomes for ethnic minority states,

in particular, the erosion of the autonomy and security that genuinely federalist arrangements provide for minorities, the excessive appropriation by the centre of the resources of the oil-rich Delta minority communities, and the direct and often counter-productive intervention of central authorities in local and regional issues, such as the determination of lo

Fifty-one years after independence, Nigeria is still dealing with one of the fundamental consequences of federalism: the politics of appeasing all factions of the polity. This has become vital because individual success to national positions and resources are restricted. This is due to the society’s multi-ethnic makeup (Nwankwo, 20002).

According to Ola, numerous governments that have controlled this country have developed various techniques to deal with the ever-present issue of power distribution in both the political and economic arenas.

As a result, there have been accusations and counter-accusations from all sections of the polity over how powers are distributed or should be dispersed in order to avoid marginalisation of minority groups (Ola, 1995).

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Nigeria’s federal structure is regarded as “a bad marriage that all dislike but dare not leave, and there are possibilities that could disrupt the precarious equilibrium in Abuja” (Ogbe et al, 2011). Federalism is the primary intellectual and legal framework for Nigerian internal political geography.

A federal organisation was thought to be useful in building national unity from a plural society while still retaining the separate social identities valued by its constituent components. The Nigerian political system has continued to function with little cohesiveness (Ola, 1995).

Rivalry fueled by ethnic mutual suspicion and minority concerns is eroding the foundations of Nigerian sovereignty. The Nigerian Civil War is the result of this. It has also brought the nation-state into the volatile June 12 political issue, rendering Nigerian sovereignty feeble and unstable (Ojo, 1989).

Federalism is a system designed to combine people from varied ethnic, cultural, geographical, and religious backgrounds into a community. As a result, once a government is established, it must strive to allocate authorities, functions, and resources among these disparate groups in an adequate and equitable manner.

However, there have been instances in Nigeria where governments have blatantly broken federalism principles. Suffice it to state that, in principle, Nigeria has a federal form of government, although in practise, the country is moving towards a unitary one.

As a result, the problem with federalism in Nigeria is the misapplication or non-application of this clause, particularly when it comes to power allocation, which leads to minority concerns (Awa, 1977).

Power distribution is a volatile subject that, if not handled appropriately, could lead to a variety of crises that are unavoidable. Nigeria has not followed this idea to the letter,

resulting in increased ethnic tension, mutual mistrust among ethnic groups, a minority problem, a call for an answer to the National Question, and so on.

Ethnic conflict and minority difficulties in Nigeria are the outcome of an inefficient distribution of functions and resources. This is because people who now feel excluded from the larger picture perceive it as a requirement to rely on their ethnic groupings,

which will provide them with a suitable platform for competing for resources with others and opposing dominance by dominant ethnic groups. This can quickly escalate into open conflict between the two factions. This paper, on the other hand, will present an outline of Nigerian federalism while closely studying the subject of minority.

1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The following are the study’s objectives:

1. Give an overview of Nigerian federalism

2. To investigate the relationship between federalism and the minority problem.

3. To identify the elements in Nigeria that are working against true federalism.

1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

1. What exactly is federalism?

2. What is the relationship between federalism and the Nigerian minority problem?

3. What factors are working against true federalism in Nigeria?

1.5 HYPOTHESIS

HO: There is no major relationship between federalism and Nigeria’s minority problem.

HA: There is a substantial relationship between federalism and Nigeria’s minority problem.

1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

This study’s significance is classified into two categories: theoretical and practical.

At the theoretical level, it would expand our understanding of Nigerian Federalism and the minority dilemma. This research will serve as a resource base for other academics and researchers interested in conducting additional research in this sector, and if utilised, will go so far as to provide new explanations for the topic.

On a practical level, the study will assist our policymakers and those in power in seeing the negative impact of minority questions and ethnic marginalisation, and in a way make leaders see reasons or how effective the government at all levels can practise true federalism by involving all minority groups in the governance structure to ensure equity.

1.7 SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

The scope of this study on federalism and the topic of minority question will address the ways and manner in which political powers are shared among ethnic groups between 2007 and 2014, as well as identify minority question issues that have previously led to a series of agitations in Nigeria.

1.8 DEFINITION OF TERMS

Federalism is a system of government in a country, also known as a federation, in which political and socioeconomic powers are shared between the central government (referred to as the federal government) and the co-ordinate political sub-division of the country, referred to as region in Nigeria but now known as states and local government.

Minority: a smaller number or part, especially one that represents less than half of the total.

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FEAR OF CRIME AND ELECTORAL VIOLENCE: MAINSTREAMING GENDER

Sexism has emerged as a significant issue in Nigerian politics. Women in Nigeria are frequently regarded as an endangered group in political terms, with their limited involvement in government and politics largely attributed to cultural, religious, and economic limitations, as well as male chauvinism.

From an economic perspective, several feminists believe that women’s lack of influence in the decision-making and control of public matters stems from their deep involvement in the globalised capitalist system of production.

A correlation exists whereby the majority of Nigerian women are predominantly engaged in agricultural labour and domestic duties as housewives.

However, feminists have not been able to fully understand and explain the self-destructive attitudes associated with the female gender. The role of femininity as a contributing element to the decrease in women’s involvement in political activities

is frequently overlooked and dismissed through biassed reasoning. Women constitute 60% of Nigeria’s population, which means they make up half of the country’s eligible voters.

The electoral power has not translated into a strong and effective advantage for women in electoral and political matters over the years, especially during the 2003 elections. In addition, it appears that the female populace lacks clarity regarding their preferences for elective posts at all levels.

Women appear to have a deficiency in confidence and bravery required by competitive politics, and as a result, they are more inclined to take on subordinate roles rather than assuming positions of front-line leadership.

Furthermore, the implementation of gender mainstreaming by the First Lady’s office has mostly served to further the private economic interests of the First Ladies, in addition to the intricate component involved.

The primary objective of this research is to investigate the self-defeating behavioural patterns exhibited by Nigerian women through the use of a field survey. The report asserts that Nigerian women,

as a collective, are mostly unaware of the existence of sexism in the modern world, viewing it primarily as a challenge related to non-production relationships.

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