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Why Political Science Research Papers Matter

If you’re a political science student in Nigeria, you’ve likely encountered the reality: research papers aren’t just assignments, they’re essential assessments that appear in nearly every course. Whether as continuous assessment or final examination requirements, these papers serve a critical purpose beyond just demonstrating course knowledge.

A political science research paper allows you to transcend passive learning and become an active contributor to political discourse. It gives you the opportunity to examine fundamental questions: What drives democratic participation? How do electoral systems shape voter behavior? What factors determine a nation’s foreign policy? These aren’t merely academic exercises—they’re inquiries into the forces shaping our world.

However, here’s where many students struggle: they approach these papers without proper guidance. They either dump information indiscriminately or fail to connect theory with Nigeria’s unique political context. This is precisely where PremiumResearchers comes in. Our team specializes in helping Nigerian students craft politically sophisticated, analytically rigorous research papers that satisfy both international academic standards and local institutional expectations. If you’re feeling overwhelmed by the process, professional support can transform your research journey from stressful to streamlined.

Understanding the Nigerian Academic Landscape

Before diving into the mechanics of writing, you need to grasp something critical that most guides overlook: Nigerian academia operates with unwritten rules that significantly impact your success. Your research paper isn’t evaluated solely on its intellectual merit—context matters tremendously.

The Critical Role of Supervisor Relationships

Your supervisor relationship is perhaps the single most important factor in your research paper success, yet it’s rarely discussed openly. Different supervisors have vastly different expectations, preferences, and communication styles that aren’t documented anywhere. Some supervisors expect weekly progress reports; others prefer monthly consultations. Some want to see your work in multiple drafts; others prefer minimal contact until near completion.

Effective supervisor management involves several key strategies:

• Strategic Scheduling: Schedule consultations early in the week when supervisors are less harried. Early morning slots often yield more productive discussions than late afternoon appointments when fatigue sets in.
• Preparation Protocol: Always arrive with a written progress report, specific questions, and evidence of implementation on previous feedback. This demonstrates respect for their time and commitment to their guidance.
• Documentation: Keep detailed notes from every feedback session. You’ll reference these repeatedly, and they protect you if feedback seems contradictory later.
• Visible Progress: Show that you’ve actively incorporated previous suggestions. Supervisors respond more favorably to students who visibly implement feedback.

Understanding Departmental Politics

Your political science department likely has preferences regarding research methodologies, theoretical frameworks, and citation styles. Perhaps your department recently emphasized quantitative methods. Maybe they prefer African scholars over purely Western theoretical frameworks. These preferences often don’t appear in official guidelines, yet they heavily influence grading.

For example, a paper analyzing Nigerian electoral behavior that relies exclusively on Western democratization theory without engaging African political thought may be perceived as lacking nuance, regardless of its technical quality. Conversely, strategically incorporating local perspectives while maintaining international rigor demonstrates sophisticated understanding of your field’s complexities.

Topic Selection and Initial Research Steps

Topic selection is where many students stumble. They choose familiar, well-trodden topics because they’re “safe,” not realizing that supervisors have read hundreds of papers on the same subjects. Your topic should demonstrate originality while remaining grounded in established literature.

Selecting Your Topic: Beyond the Obvious

Before settling on a topic, ask yourself these critical questions:

• Is this topic culturally and politically sensitive in Nigeria’s current climate? (Sensitivity isn’t necessarily disqualifying, but you must acknowledge it strategically)
• Are accessible data sources and case studies available within Nigeria? Can you realistically access them?
• Does your topic align with your supervisor’s research interests? This dramatically improves feedback quality and engagement.
• Can you meaningfully complete this research with your available resources and timeframe?
• Does your topic contribute to understanding Nigeria’s contemporary political challenges?
• Have you avoided the five most commonly assigned topics in your department?

For instance, if researching electoral processes, consider moving beyond generic voter behavior studies to examine specific mechanisms like how traditional leaders influence voting patterns in rural communities, or how social media dynamics shape urban political participation. These focused, locally-grounded approaches demonstrate sophistication that professors reward.

Deep Topic Comprehension

Once you’ve selected your topic, invest substantial time understanding it thoroughly. Many students rush past this step, leading to shallow papers that lack coherent arguments. Spend time grasping the topic’s historical context, key debates within the field, and how it connects to broader political science concepts.

Create a concept map identifying the major themes your topic encompasses. If your topic is “Electoral Administration and Democratic Legitimacy in Nigeria,” your map might include concepts like institutional design, voter confidence, INEC capacity, international observation, and public perception. Understanding these interconnections before writing prevents disjointed, unfocused papers.

Developing a Strong Research Design

Your research design is your paper’s blueprint. It answers the fundamental question: How will you investigate your research topic systematically?

Formulating Precise Research Questions

Begin by clarifying what specific information you need to address your topic. Don’t ask vague questions like “How does politics work?” Instead, ask targeted questions like “How have changes in Nigeria’s political party financing regulations influenced electoral competition since 2015?”

Identify the key actors involved (political parties, voters, institutions, international actors), the variables you’ll examine (causes, effects, relationships), and the scope (time period, geographic area, population). These elements prevent your research from wandering aimlessly.

Crafting Your Central Thesis

Your thesis is your paper’s intellectual anchor. It’s not simply a topic statement but a debatable claim supported by evidence and analysis. A strong thesis in political science makes an argument about causation, relationship, or interpretation, not merely a description.

Weak thesis: “This paper examines Nigeria’s transition to democracy.”

Strong thesis: “Nigeria’s successful transition to democracy, despite structural constraints, resulted primarily from civil society pressure and international isolation’s economic costs, rather than elite consensus as existing literature suggests.”

Notice the difference? The strong thesis is arguable, specific, and positions itself within existing scholarly debate. This is what supervisors reward.

Strategic Source Gathering

Don’t randomly accumulate sources. Identify key categories: foundational theoretical works, major empirical studies, recent scholarship, and Nigerian-specific sources. Balance Western academic literature with African scholarship and local Nigerian research. This balance demonstrates comprehensive engagement with your topic.

Practical data sources include INEC reports, National Bureau of Statistics publications, Nigerian newspapers’ archives, university theses, and academic journals. Having legitimate data sources strengthens your analysis considerably.

Structuring Your Political Science Research Paper

Many students approach writing by simply starting with their introduction and pushing through to the conclusion. This linear approach often results in disorganized, poorly developed arguments. Instead, think structurally from the beginning.

Essential Paper Components

A well-structured political science research paper includes:

• Introduction (2-3 pages): Hook your reader with a relevant political scenario or question. Provide context about why your topic matters. Present your thesis clearly. Include a roadmap of what you’ll discuss. Balance universal relevance with Nigerian-specific context.
• Literature Review (3-4 pages): Systematically review existing scholarship. Identify key debates. Show where your work fits within this conversation. Don’t just summarize sources; analyze their arguments, methodologies, and limitations.
• Theoretical Framework (2-3 pages): Explain the theoretical lenses you’re using. Define key concepts. Establish how theory guides your analysis. This section bridges abstract concepts with concrete analysis.
• Analysis/Body Sections (5-7 pages): Present your evidence and arguments. Each section should address specific aspects of your thesis. Connect evidence to theory. Address counterarguments. Include Nigerian examples and contexts.
• Conclusion (2-3 pages): Synthesize your findings. Reiterate your thesis’s validity. Discuss implications. Address limitations. Suggest areas for future research.

Crafting a Compelling Introduction

Your introduction is critical. It determines whether supervisors invest effort in your paper or skim it skeptically. Begin with a hook that demonstrates why your topic matters: a recent political event, a puzzling phenomenon, or a gap in existing understanding.

For example: “Despite Nigeria’s democratic gains since 1999, voter turnout has consistently declined, reaching historical lows in recent elections. Yet existing literature on electoral participation focuses predominantly on developed democracies, leaving Nigerian contexts underexplored. This paper argues that understanding declining participation requires examining Nigeria’s specific institutional arrangements and governance quality, not merely applying Western political theories.”

This introduction signals relevance, acknowledges gaps in literature, and previews your original contribution. Someone from another academic field should immediately understand your paper’s significance and approach.

Building Strong Body Paragraphs

Each body paragraph should follow this structure:

• Topic Sentence: State the paragraph’s main claim. This should connect directly to your thesis.
• Theoretical Connection: Link your point to broader political science concepts or theories.
• Evidence: Present research findings, data, or specific examples. Include both international cases and Nigerian examples.
• Analysis: This is crucial. Explain what your evidence means. How does it support your argument? What counterarguments exist? Why is this important?
• Transition: End with a sentence that bridges to your next point, maintaining logical flow.

Remember: analysis matters far more than information volume. A common student error is information dumping—cramming every fact learned into the paper believing this impresses supervisors. Actually, it demonstrates the opposite. It shows you haven’t internalized concepts deeply enough to explain them strategically.

Supervisors prefer concise, analytically sophisticated arguments over verbose, fact-heavy presentations.

Crafting Your Analysis Section: Where Excellence Emerges

The analysis section separates excellent papers from mediocre ones. This is where you move beyond describing what exists to explaining why it matters.

Moving Beyond Description to Interpretation

Many Nigerian students default to descriptive writing: “Nigeria experienced military rule from 1966 to 1979.” While factually accurate, this is description, not analysis. Analysis would be: “Military rule during this period established institutional precedents that continue constraining democratic development today, specifically in civil-military relations and constitutional interpretation, as evidenced by recurring constitutional crises.”

When analyzing your topic, ask these questions:

• Why does this pattern exist? What causes it?
• How does this relate to broader political science concepts?
• What are the consequences of this situation?
• How does the Nigerian context differ from or confirm international patterns?
• What competing explanations exist, and which is most convincing?
• What are this phenomenon’s implications for policy or future development?

Strategic Evidence Integration

Evidence without analysis is useless. Evidence with rigorous analysis is powerful. When presenting data or research findings, explain them. Don’t assume supervisors automatically understand your evidence’s significance.

For instance: “According to the 2023 INEC data, voter turnout declined to 27% in the 2023 presidential election, compared to 44% in 2019. This decline (present evidence), while reflecting global trends in democratic participation, is particularly significant in Nigeria because declining turnout undermines the legitimacy of elected governments and raises questions about institutional failure (analysis). Specifically, this suggests that institutional reforms alone cannot restore citizen confidence; deeper questions about governance quality and democratic responsiveness must be addressed (implication).”

Addressing Counterarguments Strengthens Your Position

Academic sophistication includes acknowledging alternative interpretations. Rather than weakening your argument, this strengthens it by demonstrating nuanced thinking. Identify the strongest counterargument to your thesis, present it fairly, then explain why your interpretation is more convincing.

This approach signals intellectual honesty and rigorous analysis—exactly what supervisors seek.

Submission and Defense Strategies for Nigerian Universities

Your paper’s quality matters, but how you present and defend it shapes your final grade significantly. Nigerian university defense processes follow patterns that successful students understand.

Pre-Submission Preparation

Before submitting, ensure meticulous adherence to departmental formatting requirements. Inconsistent formatting signals carelessness to supervisors, potentially biasing them before reading substantive content. This seems superficial but matters considerably.

Additional practical steps:

• Print multiple high-quality copies accounting for potential printing delays
• Submit well before official deadlines to accommodate unexpected issues
• Maintain detailed records of submission dates and receipts
• Keep backup digital and physical copies of all documents
• Have someone outside your field read your paper for clarity

Defense Presentation Excellence

How you present yourself during defense matters. Dress formally—this demonstrates respect and professionalism that panels notice. Your presentation should:

• Clearly articulate your thesis and research question
• Explain your methodology and evidence gathering
• Present key findings logically and concisely
• Discuss implications for Nigerian political understanding
• Demonstrate intimate familiarity with your research

Panels expect questions. Prepare for inquiries about theoretical frameworks, methodological choices, Nigerian application of your findings, and limitations. Practice answering substantive challenges thoughtfully, not defensively.

Fielding Panel Questions Effectively

When panel members question your work, respond carefully. Never dismiss questions or become argumentative. Instead, treat questions as opportunities to demonstrate deeper understanding. If you’re unsure of an answer, acknowledge this honestly—supervisors respect intellectual humility more than bluffing.

If the question suggests a limitation you hadn’t considered, acknowledge it and explain how future research might address it. This demonstrates scholarly maturity.

Struggling with this entire process? PremiumResearchers can guide you through defense preparation, ensuring you’re thoroughly prepared for panel questions and ready to articulate your research confidently. Our team works with students to transform anxiety into competence.

Final Considerations for Political Science Research Excellence

Political science research papers aren’t opportunities to demonstrate everything you know. They’re opportunities to demonstrate what you understand deeply. Quality outweighs quantity. Analysis outweighs description. Original thinking outweighs comprehensive coverage of existing literature.

Your goal is contributing meaningfully to political discourse while meeting academic standards. Whether examining democratic processes, analyzing policy implementation, or investigating electoral behavior, your research should illuminate something previously unclear about Nigeria’s political realities.

The process requires time, intellectual engagement, and often, professional guidance. If you find yourself overwhelmed at any stage—whether struggling with topic selection, research design, analysis, or presentation—professional support from PremiumResearchers is readily available. We specialize in helping Nigerian students navigate academic research successfully, balancing local context with international standards.

Frequently Asked Questions About Political Science Research Papers

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INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT AS A CHALLENGE TO DEMOCRATIC SUSTENANCE IN NIGERIA, FROM FOURTH REPUBLIC 1999 TO 2021

Abstract

This research looked at institutional development as a threat to democratic survival in Nigeria from the fourth republic (1999-2021). Three objectives were proposed: examine the effect of democracy on institutional development in Nigeria’s fourth republic, verify the extent to which democracy exists in Nigeria’s fourth republic without institutional development,

and examine the relationship between democracy and institutional development in Nigeria’s fourth republic. From the recruited participants, a total of 77 responses were collected and authenticated, with all respondents coming from the national assembly. The Chi-Square statistical programme (SPSS) was used to test the hypothesis.

Chapter One

Introduction

1.1 Background of The Study

The issue of democracy and national development in Nigeria’s fourth republic will continue to dominate political discourse among both academics and non-academics because democracy in Nigeria is at a crossroads and national development has only materialised in the inscrutable imaginations of Nigeria’s national development planners (Okeke, 2014).

Since its inception, the country has been on the lookout for a functioning democracy. All peace-loving Nigerians should be concerned about what this entails. Democracy is a controversial concept; it is not taken for granted. Countries should figure out how to make it relevant to their specific circumstances.

The next step is to figure out how to adapt democracy to the country’s pluralism. This may necessitate the pursuit of some form of consociational framework that allows for power sharing among conflicting factions and political interests in the country.

According to Achebe (1984), political leadership has been one of the most significant barriers to African democracy and development. Political leadership in the post-independence period has been anything but productive.

They have been wasteful and corrupt in political and economic management, and their focus has been distributive rather than constructive. This argument is still persuasive today. Given the country’s leaders’ personalities,

it’s not surprising that there are dangers to human security. This is not linked to the divide among the political elite, who lack the hegemony and discipline required to foster socioeconomic and political stability (Igbodalo, 2012).

Despite all of the social and economic measures undertaken by succeeding administrations, Nigeria has remained a social, economic, and political backwater. As a result, Nigeria’s political economy has been characterised by political instability, abject poverty, acute youth unemployment, a heightened crime rate, poor health prospects, and widespread malnourishment.

The absence of democracy and sporadic military participation in politics has been cited as one of the key reasons for the failure of all development initiatives in Nigeria (Ogundiya, 2010). Since independence, flawed development plans have left the people impoverished and destroyed.

Furthermore, failure to follow the rules of the game of party politics pushes the country dangerously close to a state of nature. This is reflected in rising poverty, diseases, youth unemployment, inadequate medical treatment, inadequate housing,

a shortage of portable water, epileptic electricity supply, minority groups’ lack of access to power and resources, and their exclusion from policymaking (Egharevba & Chiazor, 2013).

Meanwhile, it is not an exaggeration to say that the country’s restoration to electoral democracy in 1999 had no meaningful impact on the people’s economic and social well-being.

However, as a philosophy that establishes some fundamental rules by which a healthy government, whatever its form, must be managed, democracy provides a good hope for attaining national growth in particularly heterogeneous society. The link between democracy and country development is generally recognised.

This is due to the fact that democracy plays a critical role in creating effective governance and fostering national growth. The emphasis on enhancing people’s socioeconomic well-being is a defining aspect of democratic governance, and it is identical with the concept of national development.

As a result, the individual and his quality of life must be at the core of national development thinking (Amucheazi, 1980; Gibert & Ubani, 2015). Democracy is prioritised all over the world because it is thought to have the magic wand to efficiently deal with inter and intra group problems that arise from the democratic system.

However, Nigeria’s experience with democracy has not been pleasant. Most people’s votes have refused to be counted. While ethno-religious conflict rages throughout the country, the economy remains in shambles,

with abject poverty a recurring pattern among the people. Popular expectations that democracy will alleviate all of these problems have generally been unfulfilled.

Statement of the problem

Years of economic exploitation, maldevelopment, and poor administration in Nigeria have fueled the country’s turmoil and conflicts. Nigeria has continued to follow the path of failing, weak, and childish states since attaining political independence.

Nigeria, a state that was touted to lead Africa out of the backwoods of underdevelopment and economic dependency upon independence, is still stuck in the league of very poor, corrupt, underdeveloped, infrastructural decaying, crises-ridden, morally bankrupt, and leadership-deficient southern countries.

Rather than becoming a model for transformational leadership, contemporary bureaucracy, national development, national integration, and innovation, Nigeria appears to be famed for all that is mediocre, corrupt, outrageously violent, and morally reprehensible (Imhonopi & Ugochukwu, 2013).

This backs up Okeke’s (2014) claim that democracy is at a crossroads in Nigeria and that national development has only materialised in the opaque imaginations of Nigeria’s national development planners.

According to Gilbert and Ubani (2015), the main barriers to democracy and national development in Nigeria are electoral malpractices and corruption.

The absence of democracy and democratic principles, such as the rule of law, transparency, accountability, participation, and responsiveness to the needs of the poor, marginalised, and underrepresented groups, has been one of the major explanations for the failure of all development programmes in Nigeria’s fourth republic.

Aim of the study

The study’s aims are as follows:

to investigate the impact of democracy on institutional development in Nigeria’s fourth republic to determine the extent to which democracy exists in Nigeria’s fourth republic to investigate the relationship between democracy and institutional development in Nigeria’s fourth republic

research Hypotheses

Following research hypotheses will be developed:

H0: Democracy has little effect on institutional growth in Nigeria’s fourth republic.

H1: Democracy has an impact on institutional development in Nigeria’s fourth republic.

In Nigeria’s fourth republic, there is no relationship between democracy and institutional growth.

H2: In Nigeria’s fourth republic, there is a link between democracy and institutional growth.

The significance of the research

The study will be extremely beneficial to both students and the federal republic of Nigeria. The study will provide a thorough understanding of institutional growth as a barrier to democratic sustenance in Nigeria from the fourth republic in 1999 to the twenty-first republic in 2021. The study will also be used as a resource for other researchers who will be working on a similar topic.

scope and limitations of The study

The study’s scope includes institutional development as a barrier to democratic sustenance in Nigeria from the fourth republic (1999 to 2021).

The researcher confronts various limits that limit the scope of the study, which are as follows:

The researcher’s research material is insufficient, restricting the scope of the investigation.

The study’s time span does not allow for broader coverage because the researcher must balance other academic pursuits and examinations with the investigation.

Inadequate funding tends to limit the researcher’s efficiency in locating relevant materials, literature, or information, as well as in the data collection method (internet, questionnaire, and interview).

1.8 Definition of Terms

Institutional development: Development associated with a medical or educational institution and accompanying uses on a site of at least five acres in size is referred to as institutional development. Institutional development entails increasing the University’s capabilities and image by initiating, mobilising, and managing resources.

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PERCEPTIONS OF YOUTHS ON POLICE BRUTALITY, INJUSTICE AND ENDSARS PROTEST AMONG NIGERIANS

Abstract

Most societies regard youth as the source of all evils. Youths are portrayed as the epicentre of violence, whether political, ethnic, religious, gang-related, or otherwise. Any society that does not protect or care for the rights and interests of its youths will never be safe or prosperous.

Every civilization will be safe if it has ideas and a mechanism in place to maintain justice. Youth should not be abandoned to the mercy of poverty, inequality, a lack of adequate education, and unemployment.

Failure to invest in, promote, and safeguard youths may lead to radicalization, an increase in violent acts, and extremism. This study looks at how young people perceive police brutality, unfairness, and the EndSARS protest. The protest’s compliance with due process and the difficulties confronting Nigerian youths are examined.

The article is a content analysis, and it demonstrated that the EndSARS protest is not only about the violence and disbandment of SARS, but also about reforming the entire Nigerian Police Force and other government lukewarm attitudes towards Nigerian youths.

The article demonstrates how short-sighted policymaking fails to adequately integrate the concerns of youth. Because youngsters are not involved in political and economic structures, they engage in a succession of agitations and violent activities such as political thuggery, armed robbery, e

thno-religious crises, kidnapping, and so on. It is suggested that restructuring the Nigerian Police Force will bring out the rotten apples. The public and Nigerian youths may reestablish trust in the institution. It concluded that public trust in the NPF should be restored.

CHAPITRE ONE

INTRODUCTION

Background of the research
Nigeria is one of the African countries with the highest population density and the greatest social diversity. Nigeria has a population of youths that exceeds that of certain African countries. Youths have made significant contributions to Nigeria’s development over the years in areas such as democracy, government, politics, economy, security, and community development (Yusuf, 2019).

In addition, youths in Nigeria have been heavily interested in self-help projects. Youths’ social and psychological disposition and degree of productivity as a progressive force for development are achievable when supplied with the knowledge and chances they require to thrive.

As several of the adolescents’ issues, this is dependent on society’s willingness to empower them in social, economic, political, and legal dimensions. Omoju and Abraham (2014) cited additional young difficulties in Nigeria,

including youth unemployment and underemployment, limited access to school and a lack of economic prospects, a lack of basic education, a high HIV prevalence rate, and a high poverty rate, among others.

To encourage youth leadership and more inclusive politics, more than 100 youth organisations in Nigeria mobilised in 2016 under the hashtag #Not-Too-Young-To-Run for constitutional amendment to decrease the eligibility age to run for political office. It aims to lower the age limit for running for political office in order to promote good governance and youth political involvement (Krook and Nugent, 2018).

The youth movement in Nigeria began many years before, but the organised one was founded in 1934 under the name Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) and was located in Lagos.

Its principal goals were to create a united Nigeria from the conglomeration of people who lived in Nigeria, as well as to promote perfect understanding and a sense of common nationality among various groups in the country.

Politically, it aimed to promote indigenous Nigerian participation in civil service and administration, with the ultimate goal of achieving self-rule. Furthermore, in an effort to encourage inter-tribal collaboration, the organisation formed branches in urban areas across the country (Gann, 2011).

Youth movements can be positive or negative, but as far as the government is concerned, any type of youth movement, positive or negative, will have an impact on the current government’s interests. Because it reminds the government that several initiatives, such as the EndSARS youth movement, were not effectively adopted or executed, it is requesting that the entire policy be changed.

EndSARS protestors are a group of Nigerian youths united under the banner of the New Nigerian Youth Movement (NNYM) who want the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) unit disbanded, as well as other reforms in the Nigerian Police Force (NPF).

Their demands at the start of the EndSARS movement were extremely plain and unambiguous, pushing the government to eradicate SARS, provide justice to victims of police violence, and reform the police.

A video recording of police officers believed to be members of the SARS unit purportedly shooting an unarmed young guy sparked the demonstration (Ukpe, 2020). What began as a peaceful protest by hundreds of Nigerian youths in several areas devolved into chaos after the protests were hijacked by hoodlums.

Unpatriotic youngsters took over the protest to pursue self-centered interests in violation of the law, changing the movement’s narrative. Citizens’ rights were violated, lives were lost, and property worth billions of naira was taken and destroyed,

among other things. Other causes for the EndSARS protest include Nigeria’s political and economic frameworks, which have failed to adequately integrate the needs of youth. This is what prompted Kamorudeen to state:

“the manipulation of the political and economic structure by political elites have endangered high rate of youth unemployment and underemployment, poverty, poor access to quality education, and poor access to political opportunities,

thereby influencing Nigerian youths to indulge in series of agitations and violent act reflected in political thuggery, armed robbery, ethno-religious crises, kidnapping etc.” (Kamarudeen et al., 2011; 171)

As a result, the prevalence of youth violence in modern Nigeria is on the rise, causing public concern because violence is considered as antithetical to individual and national development. Nigeria has become a violent nation, with youngsters at the epicentre of most of it.

No section of Nigeria is immune to violence, which includes the Boko Haram insurgency, herdsmen-farmer conflicts, ethno-religious conflicts, kidnapping, armed robbery, terrorism, and EndSARS protests, among other things. Against this backdrop, this study investigates the young movement, specifically the EndSARS protest, and the issues that youth face in the country.

As a result, the document is split into seven pieces. Section one is an introduction, while Section two is on the conceptual framework. Section three explores the empirical review, while Section four looks at youngsters and Nigerian police during the EndSARS rally.

This explains why the connection between Nigerian youths and the NPF has deteriorated. Section five discusses the issues that Nigerian adolescents face, while Section six offers recommendations and Section seven provides a conclusion.

Statement of the Problem
Police brutality has become a divisive issue; in Nigeria, the argument is still ongoing. Police brutality, critics believe, leads to misuse of authority and a subtle trend towards a police state. The argument around police brutality has generally focused on the question of the use of violence and excessive force.

The selective use of violent crime data by both advocates and opponents of police brutality has added to the confusion. It has been argued that military weaponry obtained through violence has encouraged the use of military techniques that imperil civil freedoms.

According to critics, the most major impact of police violence has been on police culture. They believe that violence has encouraged an overly aggressive style of police that views force as the primary means of resolving societal problems, encourages the use of needless and excessive force, and educates officers to view residents as enemies.

Proponents, on the other hand, think that some level of police violence is required to address growing dangers like as terrorism, domestic violent extremism, and attacks by heavily armed violent criminals.

According to this reasoning, police have been obliged to utilise military-style weapons and protective equipment in order to keep up with an ever-changing adversary.

The implications of the police brutality issue are significant. At one end of the scale, police brutality rules may render officers ineffectual in protecting the public or themselves from a variety of rising threats.

On the opposite end of the scale, unrestricted militarised police operations might significantly impair civil liberties and result in considerable public support loss.

The effectiveness of the police is heavily reliant on public support, and that support is conditional on the public believing that the police are using their authority legitimately. As police are granted tremendous amounts of discretion, it is crucial that these systems be subjected to critical and ongoing review.

The issue of police brutality must be thoroughly investigated in order to ensure that law enforcement maintains its credibility while preserving popular support. This study will look at how young people in Nigeria perceive police violence, injustice, and the Endars protest.

objectives of the Study
The overall goal of this research is to analyse young perceptions of police brutality, injustice, and the Endars protest in Oyo State, Nigeria.

Other Purposes

To assess the extent of police violence in Oyo State.

To ascertain the sources of unfairness among Nigerian police personnel in the state of Oyo.

To ascertain the impact of Endars’ protest on police brutality.

Research Questions
How bad is police brutality in Oyo state?

What factors contribute to injustice among Nigerian police personnel in Oyo State?

What impact has the Endars protest had on police brutality?

H01 research hypothesis: There is no substantial difference in the perceptions of Oyo state teenagers about police brutality and unfairness.

H02: The Endars protest had no discernible influence on police brutality.

1.6 Significance of Research

The Nigerian police force is the major supplier of security in Nigeria; the force is tasked with preserving human lives and property; yet, the police system has been observed to depart from its fundamental obligations and tasks over the years. This research will provide documentation of police acts that resulted in police brutality, injustice, and the endsars protest.

This will offer policymakers with knowledge to make reforms in the police system in order to stop the existing unfairness and brutality meted out by the police to citizens.

This research will be used for scholarly purposes on the topic of police violence and will offer context to the debate surrounding the Endars protest.

1.7 Scope of The Study

The research will focus on police brutality, police injustice, and the 2020 Endars protest in Oyo State.

The study would be limited to Oyo State youths.

1.8 Limitations of the Study

Financial constraint- A lack of funds tends to restrict the researcher’s efficiency in locating relevant materials, literature, or information, as well as in the data collection procedure (internet, questionnaire, and interview).

Time constraint- The researcher will conduct this investigation alongside other academic activities. As a result, the amount of time spent on research will be reduced.

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POLICE BRUTALITY AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE

The second chapter

REVIEW OF RELATED WORKS

2.1 The emergence and establishment of the Nigerian police force

The origins of the police force can be traced back to the mutual pledge system. The mutual promise system was a forerunner to the establishment of the police force in the United Kingdom. Villagers were responsible for their own safety as well as the defence of their villages against robbers and marauders under the mutual promise system.

It was a sort of shared obligation for everyone. Ten families were organised into collectives, known as tithings, and tasked with protecting their communities from robbers and marauders. The tithing was reorganised into a hundred groups, each directed by one of them, who was nominated by the local noble.

The appointee who is regarded as the first true police officer is in charge of more serious violations of the law. With the passage of time, the mutual pledge system was reorganised in such a way that hundreds of families created shires,

the modern counterpart of local government areas. Similarly, the sheriff, or head of the shire, was appointed by a monarch or queen to monitor a specific territory and guarantee that law and order were maintained.

As a result of this arrangement, the sheriff soon began to seek and apprehend lawbreakers, resulting in the establishment of the Office of Justice of Peace in around 1326. In time, the Justices of Peace began to perform judicial tasks in addition to their primary role as peacekeepers.

The local constable became the operational aide to the Justice of the Peace, directing the night watch, investigating infractions, serving summons, executing warrants, and securing prisoners, as a formal system of security watch emerged. The mutual pledge mechanism gradually went out for the following reasons:

What was everyone’s obligation if nobody’s duty existed?
People had lost faith in the constables since some of them were illiterates.
There was some reliance on night watchmen who were paid.

Following that, the industrial revolution attracted thousands of people from the countryside to work in the larger cities. The poor salaries earned by the growing population could not maintain them, and as a result, crime increased,

heightening the need for legal security. The rise of organic solidarity, which supplanted mechanical solidarity, resulted in a shift in communal social activity and a decrease in community sense of belonging.

In response to established residents’ concerns, the government of England passed legislation establishing a new protection agency. Three Justices of Peace were employed by the agency, who in turn employed six capable and healthy individuals as staffers (constables). Following then, the legal system became more centralised and professional.

In addition, through acts of parliament, a protective agency was established. With the passage of time, the protection service was re-branded as London’s first organised police force, with personnel donning distinctive uniforms and led by two magistrates who were eventually given the title of Commissioner.

However, it is instructive to note that, while the people desired the establishment of a protection agency, many people opposed the institutionalisation of a professional, uniformed protection agency for the simple reason that they feared that an armed protection agency in the hands of the Central Government would threaten their freedom.

Furthermore, the people were aware that the professional uniformed protection force had been founded primarily to defend the rulers rather than them. Despite opposition to the idea of armed, military-style police on British soil,

it was introduced into Nigeria not to undermine human rights, which were the bane of its rejection, but to protect colonial masters as well as the metropolitan (British) economy in whatever form deemed necessary.

As previously said, the police became a weapon for harassing, intimidating, and using violence against opponents, and in most cases, lynching them. Nwabueze (1992) expands on this claim, stating that throughout the age of regionalism in Nigeria, each region had its own local police.

However, he said that local police units in Northern Nigeria… had been transformed into local arms of the ruling parties. As a result, criminal charges against any government official were dismissed. The inequity inherent in regional policing sparked the call for the country to have a single police force.

However, after the unification, one wonders if there has been a change between what Nwabueze (1992) inquired about and what is happening today, where only members of the opposition are being persecuted. The media would not have covered the violation of the rule of law and professionalism.

However, the disruption of campaigns by armed thugs as witnessed in the recently concluded gubernatorial elections in Kogi and Bayelsa States (Nigeria), where people were allegedly beheaded in one of the states in order to steal election materials,

but the burning to death of a woman leader of one of the political parties inside her private residence will go down in the annals of Nigerian elections. While police inaction is still unacceptable, the alleged body language or assertions of her fealty to the federal government are difficult to understand.

This is in violation of Article 26 of the ICCPR, which states that all people are equal before the law and have the right to equal protection under the law without discrimination. But what about the Police Act, which prohibits any improper agreement with any government or political party in Nigeria?

Frustratingly, the police hierarchy’s body language appears to imply that “failure to support the government is tantamount to rebellion, and thus a punishable offence” (Amnesty International, 2002). As disappointing as it may appear, all of these anomalies and implications on human rights are self-evident of the imperialists’ coercive imposition of police on the Nigerian people.

Without a doubt, section 194 (1) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Nigeria, 1999), which established the Nigeria Police Force as the National Police with exclusive jurisdiction throughout the country, was silent on profiling the character of recruits; there was no background check on who and who had to be recruited.

Obviously, it appears to be the herculean effort, as all types of people have been recruited for the force. Unfortunately, no one seems to see it as a disadvantage. Surprisingly, the colonial authorities emphasised refined character as a foundation for recruiting in their nation. However, in Nigeria, the hypocritical position of colonial policing is vexing.

As a result, the police have come to represent darkness, brutality, deception, and recklessness, and they continue to be the sole proponents of unfinished investigations. For example, the assassination of Chief Dikibo, a Peoples Democratic Party chieftain in Rivers State, and Chief Bola Ige, the Minister of Justice and Attorney General, is still being investigated after about sixteen years because no one has yet been convicted for these high-profile murders,

even when there are possible clues (Coker and George-Geny, 2014). Worryingly, according to Coker and George-Geny (2014), many of the suspects have been rewarded with electoral and executive jobs.

From the preceding, one could readily conclude that there is a positive correlation between Nwabueze’s earlier allegations that criminal accusations made against people in positions of authority go unnoticed (Nwabueze, 1992) and the current situation.

We have frequently said that changing the Nigeria police force is the greatest folly of all, because her history since inception has been not only of exploitation and cruelty, but also of protecting the bourgeoisie as it is today.

As a result, the exploitation and violence of the Nigerian police continue to be reasons why many in government wish to keep the force as it is in order to maintain the status quo, and so perceive reformers as idealists who have lost touch with reality.

While it is regrettable that officers kowtow to perpetual adoration of wealth, murals of dictators, quack-pastors and occultists (whom they now bodyguard), political thugs, narcotics smugglers, murderers, and religious bigots, can the Nigeria Police still achieve greatness and respectability?

The agonies, humiliations, frustrations, and disappointments endured by many souls whose loved ones have been ruthlessly murdered by police on “accidental charges” because they obstructed justice are heartbreaking.

At this point, we might be tempted to compare the interpretation of human rights violations by Nigerian police to Ayi Kwei Armah’s satirical novel ‘The beautiful ones are not yet born,’ because no one has yet succeeded in laying bare the entire pattern of that novel (Armah, 1968). Similarly, no one has been able to fully comprehend the Nigerian police.

Unfortunately, no one is particularly concerned about the high level of police brutality, which is the work of a few individuals whose dishonesty, lying, avarice, and demonic power are insulating all nooks and crannies of Nigerian society.

And as the year progresses, the abuse of human rights becomes so overpowering that one is obliged to pause for a while. Allow one’s thoughts on Nigerian society to stray while standing aside and contemplating the brutality of the Police in Nigeria (PIN),

also known as the Nigeria Police Force (NPF). While the force suffers from identity crises and has the strange reputation of snuffing out the lives of innocent Nigerians at the slightest provocation, it is undeniable that the police exemplify darkness, brutality, deceit, recklessness, and remain the sole proponent of unfinished investigations.

This unfinished inquiry into many fatalities has become so hungry and terrible that cops have turned leprous, both in colour and content. Contrary to popular belief, the police insist that Nigerian citizens are their friends, even if none of us are safe in their hands. In essence, some claim that unless the Police in Nigeria (PIN) becomes a true Nigeria Police Force (NPF),

nothing can be done to improve her crooked reputation. Many people regard the cops as walking corpses. To be sure, there has been far too much oppression and brutality by the powerful and wealthy against the poor and needy.

Indeed, Nigerians have been reduced to beggars, destitutes, or prostitutes as a result of the country’s dire economic circumstances. With nearly every following administration, the people have gotten worse.

The people have never had a true and authentically Nigerian police force that has ever prioritised national interests over local, personal, and sectional interests. Regrettably, there is nothing on the horizon that suggests a drastic shift from the present quo, because human rights abuses are becoming more powerful and calling the shots.

The Nigerian police have been so badly mismanaged in all aspects of preserving human rights, particularly in the face of minor provocations, that one is tempted to raise the underlying question.

Is a government’s intelligence truly better to that of people outside it? There may be some disagreements here, but no one can be persuaded that an individual or government as a group of individuals has better wisdom.

As the Chinese say, a thousand flowers should bloom and a thousand thoughts should compete, and so one feels that even a madman has an antidote to bring in a new beginning for the Nigeria police.

A police force that is not in a hurry to collapse should not forbid any insane person from writing prescriptions because he may contain some unproven and undiscovered insight.

Really, general insanity may be diagnosed for a police force that despises criticism and pretends to be wiser than those outside of it, and only a lunatic would pray to identify with such an insane police agency.

Despite this, others argue that the Nigerian police have the power and authority to correct all wrongs against human rights abuses in order to restore sanity, discipline, morality, and the dignity of man in society.

Police brutality and its consequences

Without a doubt, the police in Nigeria are given enormous powers by law and the constitution to take preventive actions against the conduct of all crimes. Under this premise, the law empowers them to use whatever reasonable force is necessary to prevent crimes.

However, in the exercise of this authority, there have been several cases of unforgivable killings of innocent people by Nigerian police officers. This is especially true of younger officers who do not act alone or on their own initiative.

Senior police personnel, according to credible evidence, are deeply implicated in these atrocities. Regrettably, it is disheartening to witness that police management consistently undermines any efforts by injured victims or their families to seek reparation or justice by reassigning the officers responsible for the crime (Alemika, 1993).

For example, the case of Chika Elekwachi, a pregnant married woman in Lagos who refused to be identified as a prostitute, which resulted in her being beaten mercilessly by the police to the point of losing consciousness and going into brutality-induced premature labour for a baby who later died, cannot be overlooked.

According to Human Rights Watch (Human Rights, 2009), Chika’s vehicle was obstructed by a bus; as a result, one of the three police officers in the bus out, pointed a gun at her, and told her to park.

According to Human Rights Watch (2009), incidents of police brutality against citizens, such as the Chika case, are concerning and symptomatic of the police’s indiscipline, impropriety, and resulting disillusionment.

Beating up a married and pregnant woman and stripping her naked because she objected to being called a prostitute is insane and imprudent. The act is a misdemeanour,’ and we are saddened that police brutality is on the upswing, despite the top echelon of police leadership’s professed resolve to reinvigorate professionalism in the Force (Human Rights Watch, 2009).

It is unfathomable that a pregnant woman could be treated cruelly. The occurrence, scope, and pattern of police abuse of citizens’ rights in society, as previously observed, are dependent on the standing of the individual involved. There are several reports of police violence. Chika’s situation is one too many.

Among other charges, the organisation claimed that police detain people in order to extort money or coerce a confession. Obviously, some of the torture techniques used to elicit confessions or extort gratification (Alemika, 1993) reflect the country’s dysfunctional police system. Furthermore, it is clear from the preceding that the Open Society Justice Initiative (2011) report against the police is not only shocking, but an undeniable fact.

Bribes are requested from motorists at roadblocks with reckless abandon, according to the report. At its worst, the report alleges that the police massage Chemical Mace and hot chilli pepper into the genitals of those arrested in order to elicit dubious confessions to use as an excuse to summarily execute those they describe as “armed robbers.”

Furthermore, the average police officer on the streets of Nigeria is frequently armed with a horse whip, which many of them use on innocent passers-by without provocation. According to the Report, individuals who get away with just getting horsewhipped are regarded lucky.

Many others perform significantly worse. Odinkalu(2005) says previously that human safety and security are human rights since they have intrinsic value. Without a doubt, he contends that the state wields disproportionate power in the security sector,

and that as a result, the legitimacy and rights of the people can only be perpetuated to the extent that the state can guarantee the safety of life and property of its residents.

Theoretical structure

Marx’s Conflict Theory

The conflict theory proposed by Karl Marx (1818-1883) serves as the theoretical foundation for this paper. The theoretical propositions offer a materialist interpretation of history, a critical attitude against existing social structures, and argue for reform to enshrine the rights of the proletariats (commoners),

notably in Nigeria, where this study is based. Marx argues vehemently that the materialist view of history begins with the premise that the most important determinant of social life is the labour people do,

particularly work that results in the provision of basic necessities of life, food, clothing, and shelter (Marx, 1971), but he questions the abuses to which the proletariats are subjected by the bourgeoisie (owners of means of production). It is critical to state unequivocally that these heinous abuses, including the threat of death,

against the powerless violated all agreements negotiated for the protection of human rights at various International Human Rights Conferences, including the African Charter of Human and People’s Rights signed in 1981 (and which became effective in 1986).

According to Marxist ideas, power is concentrated in the hands of a minority in society and is used to harass, threaten, and exploit the helpless. To explain, successive Nigerian governments have different interests than the ruled (powerless), leading to abuses and dehumanisation of the people’s dignity.

The concentration of power in the hands of those with economic control causes societal divisions. Marx goes on to say that the history of all previously existent societies is the history of class battles, and that the state serves the dominant classes in society. Marx saw established economic exploitation as directly leading to political subjugation and converting the dominated (powerless) into servants of their socioeconomic interests.

Marx contends that the violation and denial of human rights always serve capitalist interests by pacifying intellectuals who are paid directly or indirectly by the government to justify and rationalise existing human rights violations, while the majority of the oppressed population is left in the underground of marginalisation to mourn their subjugated status as people who have no choice but to accept their fate.

Marx was clearly a prophet in foreseeing entrenched economic exploitation leading directly to human rights abuses, as government and all its agencies (as in Nigeria) suppressed human rights using governmental directives to justify their cruelty against the people when he was writing.

For example, the police have proclaimed allegiance to the central authority by her body language, despite the statutorily mandate establishing it, and the majority of the public has become servants of repressive interests against their will. In this unholy alliance, for example, police power has been consistently utilised to oppress and flaunt evil as required by the strong affluent against the populace.

Nigerians have been turned to beggars as a result of the country’s dire economic state. People are being dehumanised more than ever before, with nearly every subsequent administration being unfriendly and harsh to their rights.

Essentially, the people have never had a true and authentically Nigerian police force that has ever prioritised national interests over local, personal, and sectional interests.

Regrettably, there is nothing on the horizon that suggests a drastic shift from the present quo, because human rights abuses are becoming more powerful and calling the shots. Finally, because the ruling class’s ideology is dominant in a capitalist society like Nigeria, the socio-economic relations of production are under their control, and thus they reproduce and perpetuate the socio-economic class structure that has continued to maintain the imposed policing system that,

after six decades of independence, remains exploitative and abusive of human rights. The relevance of this theory to this paper stems from the fact that rain cannot wash away a leopard’s dark spots; the exploitative ideology inherent in Nigeria police points to a system of governance that regenerates and perpetuates the interests of the dominant (and bourgeois) class, while uncooperatively refusing to deliver to citizens their fundamental human rights in order to restore their human dignity.

Police violence in Nigeria and its consequences

Nigeria has been independent for 60 years, but has been subject to military control for half of that period, which has conditioned many Nigerians to live in fear of persecution and servitude.

However, when democracy was restored in 1999, heralding the start of a new age, most Nigerians expected to finally realise the benefits of a democratic society that prioritised them through people-centered policies. Unfortunately, this dream proved to be largely an illusion.

Nigeria, like many other countries and emerging democracies, has faced several problems. In the last decade, they have included unemployment and underemployment, unpredictable electricity supply,

infrastructure gaps, insufficient social amenities, poor healthcare facilities, a lack of access to excellent education, and the threat posed by violent extremism.

These difficulties have driven Nigerians, who are famed for their hard work and resilience, to bear these hardships while turning on the state to meet their needs. The protection of lives and property is one of the state’s most important responsibilities to its inhabitants. However, the Nigerian Police Force, which is tasked with maintaining peace and order, is widely regarded as incapable of carrying out its mandate.

Recent protests across Nigeria’s 36 states have been staged by Nigerian youth in direct response to police violence. Protesters want the police’s notorious Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), which has long been accused of extrajudicial violence, to be dissolved.

The federal government disbanded the unit for the fourth time in three years on October 11. So, what exactly do these young demonstrators want? Indeed, their campaign calls for good governance in the broadest sense,

including a full revamp of the country’s national security infrastructure. These young people have shown generational leadership, and their movement has garnered international backing from figures like Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey.

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FORMATION OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND IDEOLOGY IN NIGERIA: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF APC AND PDP

CHAPITRE ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of The Study

The legislature is an essential part of any democratic government and a vital factor in its survival; it predates the birth of contemporary democracy. According to Loewenberg (2015),

the emergence of the legislature dates back to the twelve century and is a product of mediaeval European civilization changed in the age of democracy to meet the needs of contemporary political systems.

According to Boynton (2001), before and after World War II, after colonialism failed, nations grew in number, constitutions incorporate national legislature to replace existing governing institutions around the world, and the influence of legislature continues to grow in 21st century approaches.

The legislature’s popularity cannot be separated from the continent-wide trend of democratic growth. Indeed, if democracy is a system based on informed and active citizen involvement, the legislature serves as a vehicle for equitable and wider representation (Yaqub 2004). The presence of a legislative institution composed of people’s representatives distinguishes democratic governments from non-democratic ones.

The legislature differs in composition and form of representation from one system of government to the next. Members of the legislature are fused with members of the executive under a parliamentary system,

however in a presidential system, the legislature and executive are separated from other arms of government by different individuals to encourage effective administration.

Legislators are elected in certain countries, such as Nigeria, while they are appointed in others. Despite differences in legislative structures around the world, they have a structural element that separates them from other branches of government in a democracy.

The common aspect of legislators is that their relationship between members is one of equality rather than authority and subordination, as they draw their authority from being representatives of the people (Saliu 2004).

Depending on the political system, the legislature may perform different duties at different times; the two fundamental principles of legislatures in democratic settings are legislation making and functioning as a watchdog on behalf of the people, without which democracy becomes messed up. Odinga (1994) observed:

If the constitution is the embodiment of the people’s aspirations, ideals, and collective will, the parliament is the collective defender and watchdog of the people’s aspirations, ideals, and collective will. If the constitution is the social contract between the people and the government,

then the parliament is the people’s advocate and arbiter of national interest. Indeed, if the constitution is the covenant between the people and their leaders, as the Bible, Quran, and other religious treatises are, the parliament is the repository and custodian of the oracles of the political covenant and social contract between the people and government.

As a result, for any democracy to thrive, the legislature must not only enact rules for the good order of society (including appropriation laws), but also ensure that such laws and others are not broken by other arms of government such as the executive (Poteet, 2010). This is accomplished through its supervision function, which serves as a watchdog over their policies.

Most constitutions document these two fundamental legislative tasks (Taiwo & Fajingbesi, 2004). In other words, legislators carry out their responsibilities through men and women of demonstrated integrity and good character who resist the urge to become involved in situations that have been legislated against. The legislature can be thought of as a sub-unit of good administration and democratic sustainability because of this action.

Sections 4, (1), (2), (6), and (7) of the Federal Republic of Nigeria’s 1999 constitution vest legislative functions in the National Assembly as well as its sub-national bodies, the state Houses of Assembly.

Section 4 (2) expressly enables the National Assembly to enact laws for the country’s peace, order, and good administration. According to Section 4 (1) Part II of the 1999 Federal Republic of Nigeria constitution:

…the federal republic of Nigeria’s legislative powers shall be vested in a National Assembly for the Federation, consisting of a Senate and a House of Representatives.

As a result, the legislature’s oversight power is to hold all governmental institutions accountable. According to Bello-Imam (2004), the legislative oversight function is critical in making and reviewing the activities of the executive branch of government.

The purpose of oversight in most democracies, particularly in Nigeria, is to ensure that public policy serves the public interest (Obiyan, 2011). Essentially, the legislative oversight powers keep the executive in check and provide a balancing impact for healthy government. Fiscal policy is a key area of monitoring, as indicated by Obadan (2003), Ndoma-Egba (2012), and Adeola (2017).

Parliament is responsible for implementing public policy in a way that promotes good governance. To that end, the legislative process scrutinises government finances.

Given its importance to the goal of good governance for the Nigerian state, the performance of the National Assembly in its oversight job has elicited differing opinions.

As a result, this study evaluates the legislature’s role in its oversight duty, concentrating on the extent to which the institution has been transparent, responsible, and credible in its operations since June 3, 1999, when Nigeria’s Fourth Republic was inaugurated.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

Aside from formulating and amending laws, one of the primary functions of the Nigerian National Assembly is supervision. Legislative Oversight is a key duty of the National Assembly in governance and public office administration.

The legislature’s oversight responsibility is to hold all state institutions accountable in order to promote accountability and transparency. In its utilisation of oversight powers, Nigeria’s National Assembly has fallen short of public expectations (Abiola, 2012; Nwagwu, 2014; Oye, 2018).

Furthermore, there have been charges of corrupt practises against several Assembly members, making the case appear as if “the probers have become the ones being probed” (Obasanjo, 2012:24).

However, with allegations of corruption levelled against national parliamentarians, openness and accountability, two key measures of good government, are undermining.

Despite the fact that the National Assembly (Senate and House of Representatives) established over 80 Oversights/Probe Panels to investigate various instances of alleged corruption, consuming millions of Naira in the process (oversights), corruption and corrupt practises persisted in the Federal Public Service (Nairaland, 2012).

It appears critical to comprehend and realise why corruption appears to be systemically institutionalised in the Federal Public Service, and the Legislative Power is rendered ineffective in combating corruption. As a result of this study, the researcher thought it was vital to look into legislative supervision and good governance in plateau state.

1.3  Objectives of The Study

The primary goal of this research is to look into legislative supervision and good governance in plateau state.

The exact goals of this research are as follows:

Examine the National Assembly’s constitutional provisions for using the oversight function in Nigeria.

Discuss instances of ineffective legislative supervision in Plateau state that lack openness, accountability, and efficacy.

Identify the difficulties that the National Assembly faces in carrying out its oversight responsibility in Plateau state.

1.4 Research Questions

What are the National Assembly’s constitutional provisions for exercising its oversight responsibility in Nigeria?

What are some examples of ineffective legislative supervision in Plateau state?

Identify the National Assembly’s obstacles in carrying out its oversight responsibility in Plateau state.

1.5 The study hypothesis

In Nigeria, there are no constitutional provisions for the National Assembly to exercise its oversight responsibility.

HO2: The National Assembly faces no difficulties in carrying out its oversight responsibilities in Plateau state.

1.6 Significance of the research

Until recently, National Assembly Oversight was a vital area of governance and public administration in Nigeria that received little scholarly attention. As a result, the literature on Oversight is limited, and the few that we evaluated focused on the broad responsibilities, roles, and relationship of the Legislative Arm of Government with the Executive Arm.

In essence, this study focuses on the function of Legislative Probes and General Oversight Functions of the Legislative Arm in combating corruption in Nigeria’s Federal Public Service.

Thus, an assessment of the National Assembly in this regard is meant to demonstrate the ostensible Legislative Oversight/Probes as a very major business in combating corruption.

As a result, the overarching relevance of this study is to contribute to the expanding body of knowledge on legislative oversight and corruption in the Nigerian Federal Public Service.

1.7 scope and limitations of The study

This research is being conducted in Plateau state on legislative oversight and good governance. The study’s general focus is on the National Assembly’s Oversight Functions in relation to corruption in the Nigerian Federal Public Service.

The researcher comes upon a constraint that limits the scope of the investigation;

a) Research material availability: The researcher’s research material is insufficient, restricting the investigation.

b) Time: The study’s time frame does not allow for broader coverage because the researcher must balance other academic activities and examinations with the study.

b) Financial constraint: A lack of funds tends to restrict the researcher’s efficiency in locating relevant materials, literature, or information, as well as in the data collection procedure (internet, questionnaire, and interview).

1.8 Operational Definition of Terms

Good governance: In international development, good governance is a method of assessing how well public institutions conduct public affairs and manage public resources. Governance is defined as “the process of making decisions and putting those decisions into action.”

Governance: Governance encompasses all processes of governing over a social system, whether conducted by the government of a state, a market, or a network, and whether through the rules, conventions, power, or language of an organised society.

A government is the system or collection of individuals in charge of an organised community, most typically a state. In the broadest sense, government is made up of the legislative, the executive, and the judiciary.

Legislative Oversight: The process by which legislative bodies actively participate in studying and monitoring the functioning of the executive branch of government and apply such knowledge to its major tasks of:

creating laws and public policy; setting budgets; and generating income. A legislature must be familiar with and comprehend government processes in order to make educated decisions about which legislation to approve and which budgetary decisions to make.

A legislature is a deliberative body with the power to enact laws for a political entity such as a country or city. Legislators are significant aspects of most governments, and they are frequently contrasted with the executive and judicial branches of government in the separation of powers concept.

Sanctions: The National Assembly’s capacity to sanction actions/inactions and decisions of the Federal Public Service that are contrary to the mandate.

Transparency: Enough information is available for other agencies and the general public to determine if appropriate procedures are followed in accordance with the stated mission.

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IMPACT OF LEADERSHIP CRISIS ON NIGERIA NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF FOURTH REPUBLIC

ABSTRACT

The study investigates the impact of the leadership crisis on Nigeria’s national development. It assesses Nigeria’s fourth republic’s leadership issue and its impact on national growth.

The study envisions the nature of leadership insecurity in Nigeria’s fourth republic, as well as the repercussions of mismanagement of the country’s economic and financial resources.

INTRODUCTION

Nigeria has abundant people and material resources that are vital for national development and advancement. However, Nigeria has continued to follow the path of unsuccessful, weak, and “juvenile” states since attaining political independence. Nigeria, a state that was touted to lead Africa out of the backwoods of underdevelopment and economic dependency upon independence,

is still stuck in the league of the South’s very poor, corrupt, underdeveloped, infrastructurally decaying, crisis-riven, morally bankrupt, and leadership-deficient countries. Rather than being a model for transformative leadership,

contemporary bureaucracy, national growth, national integration, and innovation, Nigeria appears to be famed for everything mediocre, corrupt, outrageously violent, and morally reprehensible.

As a result, one cannot help but concur that Nigeria is a victim of poor leadership and complicated systemic corruption, which has become endemic and malignant in the country’s national life.

This viewpoint has been strongly held in literature by scholars and writers who have highlighted the inextricable link between the country’s leadership dilemma and corruption as the continuing cause of Nigeria’s ignominious economic convulsions, political convolutions, and national underdevelopment.

Current arguments are based on the notion that Nigerian leadership is morally and psychologically depraved (Agbor, 2011; Agbor, 2012; Ezirim, 2010; Ebegbulem, 2009; Ogbunwezeh, 2007). Indeed, Agbor contends that the success or failure of every civilization is primarily determined by the mannerism of its leadership.

He goes on to say that the upshot of weak leadership in Nigeria is terrible governance, which manifests itself in constant political turmoil and insecurity, acute poverty among citizens, a debilitating miasma of corruption, and rising unemployment indices. Tipping corruption as a dinosaur syndrome in Nigerian national life (anon, 2010),

Nigeria’s nationhood has been caught in the swirl of a corrupt public sector that has remained a hub of everything immoral, slimy, and retrogressive. While not unique to Nigeria, a survey identifies corruption as one of the most persistent socioeconomic issues plaguing most African countries today (ACBF, 2007).

It is viewed as the core cause of the myriad economic and political crises that have afflicted the African area, and it continues to exacerbate not only each country’s underdevelopment, but also the citizenry’s abysmal poverty. Political corruption, for example, is the cause of sit-tight political leaders, particularly in Africa,

with constitutional modifications allowing them to run for president for as long as they want. The capacity to retain control of state power allows them to allocate national resources as they see fit. This encourages indiscriminate, poor allocation of national resources, as well as the resulting macroeconomic mismanagement, which leads to persistent economic disaster.

Although it is not a Nigerian phenomenon, the spectre of corruption appears to haunt the country and has penetrated the entire governmental fabric. Aided by the nation’s leadership crisis

CHAPITRE 1

1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

Agbor (2012) writes about the high-profile corruption of several Nigerian leaders in the current fourth republic. He claimed that the notoriety of Nigeria’s elected and appointed leaders’ corruption led to the country being placed 143 out of 182 countries in Transparency International’s 2011 Corruption Perception Index. Corruption among public officials has become a national sport.

He narrates a high-profile list of corruption in Nigeria, including the indictment of a former Kogi State governor by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) for embezzling and robbing the state of N4 billion. The EFCC was investigating 31 of Nigeria’s 36 state governors for corruption in September 2006 (BBC, 2006).

The EFCC questioned a former female senator from Ogun State about collecting $100,000 stolen from the Ministry of Health, as well as the Health Minister and her deputy for stealing over N30 million from the Ministry’s unspent monies from the previous year.

The latest examples of wanton corruption are the oil subsidy and police pension scams, both of which can be traced back to the Nigerian leadership’s careless attitude. Uwujaren’s (2012) submission on this national shame clearly demonstrates a state in leadership crisis.

So far, the EFCC has sanctioned 20 people for defrauding the government through the fuel subsidy fund. Ogunbambo, Theck, and Fargo, for example, defrauded the federal government of almost N976 million for petroleum they did not furnish.

Taylor, Nasaman, and Ali were charged with N4.4 billion in fraud, while Alao was charged with N2.6 billion in fraud. Tukur, Ochonogo, and External Oil collectively scammed the government of N1.899 billion.

Nadabo, Peters, Abalaka, and Pacific Silver took N1.464 billion, while Watgbasoma, Ugo-Ngadi, Ebenezer, Ejidele, and Ontario Oil scammed the Federal Government of Nigeria of N1.959 billion (Uwujaren, 2012). The handling of the police pension programme has recently displayed insensitive leadership.

It is shocking to learn that over N200 million (two hundred million naira) will be spent to validate the overseas pensions of only twenty police officers. The point is, what is the entire pension of those retiring officers if over $200 million is spent to verify them?

The EFCC has prosecuted several of the state officials implicated in this scheme. EsaiDangaba, AtikuKigo, Ahmed Inuwa Wada, John Yusufu, Veronica Ulonma, and ZaniZira are being charged for stealing N32.8 billion from the police pension programme (Uwujaren, 2012).

According to Ike (2010), previous Nigerian governments looted or misappropriated $407 billion (225 billion pounds) by 1999. This sum is equal to all Western aid to the African continent.

He further stated that the immediate past Chairman of the Nigeria Economic and Financial Crimes Commission revealed that 220 billion pounds were squandered between the country’s independence from Britain in 1960 and its restoration to democracy in 1999.

This stolen treasure corresponds to the 220 billion pounds in Western aid handed to Africa between 1960 and 1997. This was six times the amount of aid provided by the United States to postwar Europe under the Marshall Plan for Reconstruction of Europe. Ike also highlighted the World Bank’s list of Nigeria’s fund depositors in four Western countries,

which was submitted to Nigeria’s then-President in 1999. Five of the depositors on that list alone were responsible for a large portion of the stolen monies on the World Bank’s list of 21 heavy looters. The total sum placed in western banks by the top 21 looters is the equivalent of $150 billion.

He concluded that, on the whole, the leaders of the first and second republics were relatively clean, however evidence in the third and fourth republics has gradually shown byzantine kleptomania and “lootocracy” by individuals nominally entrusted with national leadership.

As a result, corruption in Nigeria has ensnared the entire public and private sector matrix while also deepening its vice-like grasp on society. As a result, the research will look into the impact of the fourth republic’s leadership issue on Nigeria’s national development.

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The study problem is to assess the impact of the fourth republic’s leadership crisis on Nigeria’s national development.

1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIOS

2 What is the nature of Nigeria’s fourth republic’s leadership crisis?

3 What is the impact of Nigeria’s leadership crisis on national development?

1.4 OBJECTIVES OF THE RESEARCH

1 To assess the nature of Nigeria’s fourth republic’s leadership issue.

2 To assess the impact of the leadership crisis on Nigeria’s national development.

1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The study will forecast the negative effects of a leadership crisis on the country’s national development in order to identify strategies for minimising and removing the threat in the nation’s leadership.

1.6 HYPOTHESIS STATEMENT

1 H0 The country’s level of development is low.

H1 The country’s level of development is high.

The fourth republic of Nigeria is experiencing a leadership crisis.

The fourth republic of Nigeria has a low level of leadership crises.

3 H0 The impact of Nigeria’s leadership crisis is minimal.

H1 The impact of Nigeria’s leadership crisis is significant.

1.7 THE STUDY OBJECTIVE

The study aims to assess the influence of the fourth republic’s leadership crisis on Nigeria’s national development.

1.1 DEFINITIONS OF TERMS

LEADERSHIP

According to Cole (1997, p. 54), leadership is a dynamic process at work in a group in which one individual motivates the other group members to freely commit themselves to the attainment of group tasks or goals over a specific length of time and in a specific organisational setting.

CORRUPTION

Amuwo (2005) and Obayelu (2007) define corruption as the use of public positions, resources, and authority for personal gain. Corruption is defined by Fieldstad and Isaksen (2008, p. 3) and Ogundiya (2009, p. 5) as “the betrayal of public trust for individual or sectional gain.” Obayelu defined corruption as “efforts to secure wealth or power through illegal means for private gain at public expense; or misuse of power for private benefit.”

Corruption encompasses a wide range of behaviours, including fraud (theft by misrepresentation), embezzlement (misappropriation of corporate or governmental funds), and bribery (payments used to obtain an advantage or avoid a disadvantage). Aiyede (2006, p. 5) defines corruption as “the abuse or misuse of public or governmental power for illegitimate private advantages.”

His viewpoint supports Lipset and Lenz’s (2000) contention that corruption is an attempt to achieve riches or power by illicit means for private gain at the expense of the public. Tanzi (1998) adds that such misuse of public authority may be for the interest of one’s party, class, tribe, or family rather than for one’s personal benefit.

Although corruption is widespread, it is more prevalent in developing countries due to weak institutions. It is minimal in industrialised countries because to more developed and effective institutional control mechanisms.

DEVELOPMENT AT THE NATIONAL LEVEL

According to Imhonopi and Urim (2010), national development is a country’s or countries’ ability to increase the social welfare of its people, specifically by providing social amenities such as good education, power, housing, pipe-borne water, and so on.

Economic development, socio-cultural empowerment and development, and how these affect human development are all components of country development.

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FEDERAL CHARACTER/QUOTA SYSTEM AND PRODUCTIVITY OF NIGERIA PUBLIC SERVICE

ABSTRACT

Nigeria developed a federal structure to ensure that no group or division suffers from imbalance or marginalisation. However, its implementation has been met with criticism from academics and public servants who perceive it as a tool for preferring some groups over others. It had been connected to the civil service system’s high level of administrative inefficiency, despite a slew of improvements over the years.

The study looked at how the federal character principle was applied and how it affected service delivery in the Nigerian federal civil service. The Nigerian federal civil service is the foundation of the country’s socioeconomic progress. However, service delivery and infrastructure development have remained a hydra-headed problem over the years.

Secondary data was used in the research, and when all investigations were completed, it was discovered that there is a relationship between the federal character concept and employees’ service delivery, as well as bureaucrats’ unfavourable attitude towards work.

To achieve efficient service delivery and a better attitude towards work among civil servants, the government should adopt the precepts of Marx Weber bureaucratic theory in terms of merit-based recruitment,

technical competency, and qualification, as well as re-examine the reliability and validity of the application of the federal character principle.

Also, prior to the establishment of the NEEDS, which has both SEEDS and LEEDS as its state and local government levels, the research analysed previous planning experience in Nigeria and defined critical actions required for institutionalising the development planning model in Nigeria.

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FISCAL FEDERALISM: THE STRUGGLE FOR RESOURCE CONTROL

CHAPITRE ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

The type and state of financial ties in any federal system of government is critical to its existence. One of the most persistent sources of contention in most, if not all, federal countries is the issue of providing appropriate financial resources.

The sheer nature of Nigeria, in terms of the diversity of its people, the vastness of the country, their unique histories, customs, and a highly diversified society, made some sorts of federalism necessary.

The problem of resource control has acquired currency, owing mostly to the widespread disregard for oil-producing areas, on which the country’s income is dependent, in development attempts. The drive for resource control is a quest for authentic and functioning federalism, sometimes known as classic federalism.

The underlying notion of resource control, whether by omission or commission, is portrayed and misconstrued in certain quarters as being solely in the interest of the Niger Delta people.

The centre stage that the resource control fight has taken in the national discourse is well-deserved. What they do not realise is that resource control, or classic federalism,

is a veritable path to the nation’s rapid socioeconomic development since it serves as a wake-up call for all Nigerians to capitalise on the chances in their local surroundings for our collective greatness.

This claim is supported by the fact that it is only via fiscal federalism, of which resource control is a component, that we can transform our economy from a mono-product to a multi-product.

The reality that there has been a significant amount of politicisation in the scheme of things cannot be overstated. The cry for self-determination by many ethnic groups in Nigeria recently took on unprecedented proportions when the governments of the south-south area sought for ownership of the natural resources available in their geopolitical territory.

Previously, the Ijaw nation, led by Adaka Boro, and the Ogbonis, led by Ken Saro-Wiwa, had launched progressive campaigns to stop successive Nigerian governments from exploiting and plundering the Niger Delta’s petroleum riches.

The then-president of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogboni People (mosop) waged vigorous efforts. The late Ken Saro-Wiwa’s efforts to halt the aforementioned problems, particularly those related with the reckless exploration of crude oil in the Niger Delta area, won Ken-Saro-Wiwa’s execution as retribution for his Mosop’s resource control leadership.

It is sufficient to say that the south-south state’s movement for resource control is focused at capturing resources located within their zone. The supporters of resource control argued based on two factors: first, the underdevelopment of the Niger Delta region by successive military governments,

despite the fact that the majority of income obtained from the region is used to sustain the entire country. As a result, resource control supporters argue that notwithstanding the irrational exploitation of crude oil in the Niger Delta area. There is nothing to show for it in terms of human or infrastructure development.

Second, proponents of resource control argued that the states’ desire to manage resources is just an attempt to establish a traditional federal system of governance in Nigerian politics. Although the control of resources agitated by some states, particularly the southern states, does not sit well with some eminent Nigerians,

the contesting states are not celebrating the supreme court judgement on the suit field by Bola Ige, the late slain Minister of Justice and Federal Attorney General on the Interpretation of (section 162, subsection 1 of the 1999 constitution) that deals with the distribution of the country’s revenue.

In Nigeria, the question of resource control and derivation formula is not a new phenomena. It dates back to the colonial period. It happened in 1946, during Sir Author Richard’s tenure as Governor General of Nigeria. A commission was formed as a result of the resource control issue.

The Commission was established by the governor general, led by Sir Sydney Philips, to design financial and administrative procedures for the country. The committee suggested “declared revenues” for the regions and “non-declared”

revenues for the federal government. The recognised principle was derivation, even progress, and population in that order of significance. However, this did not benefit all regions, and as a result, it was not widely embraced.

The subject of resource distribution sharing remained unresolved when the military handed over political power to the civilians in May 1999. The governments of the Niger Delta region announced measures for resource control,

a revision of the derivation formula, true federalism, and a national convention, which were eventually joined by the governors of the south.

It is from this perspective that the project will examine the impact of Niger Delta resource control on Nigeria fiscal federalism, as well as take a critical look at all problems in demands with the goal of identity and propose solutions for the sake of coexistence and the unitary of the nation.

STATEMENT OF THE RESEARCH PROBLEM

There is little doubt that the Niger Delta Region’s progress is being slowed, and its people are becoming impoverished. These circumstances have resulted in widespread poverty, with over 75% of the population living on or below the poverty line, poor sanitation and waste disposal, pollution contributing to illness,

a lack of electricity and pipe-borne water supply, and, most importantly, severe environmental degradation caused by the exploration and exploitation of oil and gas in the region, as stated in the problem statement.

There was also deforestation and a scarcity of farmland as a result of oil exploration and the federal government’s failure to listen to and compromise with the struggle for resource control by the people of the Niger Delta Region as a quest for a true and functional federalism with principles inherent in the spirit and letter of Fiscal federalism, as well as the implication for resource control shall all cov

Another issue raised by the research study is the Nigerian government’s over-reliance on the oil and gas sector of the economy, as well as its neglect of other sectors such as agriculture

and other untapped resources in other regions of the federation. It also encompasses the Niger Delta region’s efforts to achieve justice, fairness, and equitable resource control.

Finally, one of the research study’s problems is the effect of multinational firms and compradors on oil and gas exploration in the Niger Delta Region. While some Greeks pray that the water would not swallow them like it did in the time of Biblical Noah or the Tsunami, oil firms are busy investing money to safeguard their oil rigs and installations from ocean encroachment, allowing their host communities to perish.

1.3 Objectives of the Study

The following are the study’s objectives:

To comprehend the dynamics driving certain states’ desire to exert control over their resources.

To determine the consequences of some states’ efforts to control their resources.

To determine whether resource control may put a stop to or at least reduce the reoccurring problem connected with Nigerian fiscal federalism.

To determine whether resource control in Nigeria policy generates centripetal or centrifugal forces.

To determine if resource control would lead to development in the federating units.

1.4 Significance of the Research

The primary and dominant value of this research study is that it exposes members of the public to the contentious problems linked with fiscal federalism and resource control. It is intended that this will raise public awareness and consciousness.

More importantly, the project work will not only examine the fractious connection that existed between the federal and state governments (Niger Delta states), but will also seek or rather propose remedies that would improve cordial relationships for long-term federalism.

The study is desirable because there is an overarching need to comprehend the inherent problems in the operation of federalism in Nigeria as it relates to resource control and its consequences in the modern day.

It is also hoped that the study will educate the people and various government bodies about their economic and legal rights regarding fiscal federalism and resource control.

Because the goal of any social science research is to provide solutions to specific social, economic, and political problems, the study is extremely relevant in providing solutions to the problems associated or inherent in fiscal federalism and the Niger Delta region’s struggle for resource control.

1.6 Limitations of the Study

The constraints are created around its limitations; they are the factors inherent in the research setting that may affect the outcomes and that the investigators must recognise and acknowledge for the investigation.

It will also look at the horizontal trends and antecedents of Nigeria’s constitutions, statutes, and decrees related to fiscal federalism and resource control legal framework.

The main issue is that the information required is difficult to obtain due to the formal bureaucracy involved in collecting essential government materials.

1.6 Definition of Terms

Before delving into the more rigorous and methodical aspects of this work, it is necessary and imperative to begin by providing operational definitions of specific terms or concepts whose clarifications are fundamental to the overall understanding of the work. The following are operational definitions for terminology used in this study:

a) Federalism: This is a method of splitting powers so that the central and regional administrations are independent within their respective spheres. It can also be viewed as a constitutional structure for distributing government authority by area in order to maximise freedom of expression of cultural, socioeconomic, and political characteristics.

b) Resource Control: This encompasses three primary components of power, the right of a community or state to raise funds, either via taxation or through the sale of goods and services, inside its jurisdiction. Within its borders, it creates exclusive rights to the ownership and control of natural resources.

Customs charges or excise levies on items manufactured in its territory and are bound for its territory. It can also be viewed as a rigid commitment to the deprivation principle.

c) Fiscal Federalism: Fiscal federalism refers to the financial governmental interactions between the several tiers of government in a federation. It is a result of federalism that is concerned with the interaction between the various levels of government in terms of the allocation of national review (National cake) and the delegation of functions and tax powers to constituent units in a federation.

d) Derivation: Derivation is a revenue allocation system in which a set amount of finance is provided to the component units of the federation based on revenue generated from the area’s mineral resources. Because of its relationship to taxation and compensatory aspects, it is considered as having the intrinsic power to overcome the feeling of alienation felt by members of any unit.

e) Niger Delta Region: The Niger Delta Region is made up of nine (9) states that are not actually united geographically but are bound by their economic emancipation to control their region’s God-given national riches.

The south-south zone and the Niger-Delta region have distinct characteristics. The south-south zone is a geopolitical zone comprised of six (6) states with vested interests bordering on the political.

The Niger-Delta region is made up of nine (9) states. These nine (9) states that have banded together are unified in their struggle, or rather in their fight for the region’s economic emancipation.

The Niger Delta Region consists of nine (9) states: Abia, Akwa-Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross-Rivers, Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo, and Rivers.

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INVESTIGATING THE POTENTIAL FOR JOB CREATION IN THE TOURISM INDUSTRY WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE

ABSTRACT

This article investigates the potential for tourism to favourably effect employment creation, particularly its ability to support other sectors of the economy. This article draws on South African and international examples to show how people, particularly those from underprivileged communities, can participate in and benefit from the tourism industry.

It also outlines a number of elements to examine in order to improve tourism development. These aspects include funding, developing infrastructure, education and training, clever taxation of the business, private and public partnerships,

ownership of land and natural resources, marketing techniques, and tourism industry change. Finally, this study discusses several unfavourable characteristics in the South African context that hinder the growth of the tourism business.

1. FORMAL INTRODUCTION

South Africa’s low level of economic development and tight labour market structure make it difficult for the formal economy to absorb fresh labour force into the market. This quickly raises the unemployment rate. Unemployment was expected to be 38% in 1997. With the South African labour force rising at a rate of 2 -2.5% per year, this equates to 300 000 new entrants each year (Orkin 1999).

According to Pape (1999), employment in South Africa has decreased from 40 000 to around 22 000 in the textile industry alone since 1994. Because unemployment is the most serious social and economic crisis confronting South Africa, it is clear that job creation is critical.

South Africa’s industrial industry is still undergoing reorganisation in order to compete on a global scale. Since the early 1960s, it has been shielded from foreign competition and has become less efficient. Because of trade liberalisation implemented in recent years, it is unlikely that its capacity to contribute to job creation would increase.

According to Pape (1999), manufacturing employment in South Africa will not rise much in the next ten years. A low fiscal deficit combined with the 3% target rule (and overshooting in the last two years) shows that the government lacks the capacity and will to become a significant driving force for employment creation.

The high expense of deep level mining, in particular, makes it difficult for this industry to lead in job generation. Visser (1999, 2) confirms that due to “the roller-coaster fluctuation in commodity prices shackling the global economy today,” both primary and secondary industries are no longer reliable in leading employment and economic growth.

Instead, a more mobile, educated, and nature-deprived populace implies significantly better prospects for tourism growth, particularly in eco- and cultural tourism.” Perhaps the service industry might provide a significant alternative in terms of job generation.

Despite the potential of the service industry, we must exercise caution because it encompasses a wide range of employment. Palma (1999) distinguishes between two categories of services and their significance in employment contribution. One is production-related services (such as finance, transportation, and technical education), which are declining,

whereas freestanding services (such as basic education, tourism, government services, and personal services) are growing, as is the possibility of their contribution to increased employment.

Manufacturing cannot be expected to be the primary driver of job development in South Africa. The issue for policymakers now is to focus on retaining existing jobs while also developing new ones.

The Mandela administration was heralded by a democratic election in 1994, which abolished the apartheid policy system of rule and, with it, political instability and sanctions against South Africa. This paved the path for tourism to become an alternative source of employment.

Tourism may now be recognised as a vital engine of job growth, wealth creation, and economic emancipation. Tourism is widely recognised as one of the world’s fastest expanding businesses, and South Africa has developed as a very appealing destination due to its depth and range of tourism offerings.

According to Peter Hawthorne (1999), the momentous events of 1990 lifted South Africa out of political and economic isolation. This was successful in putting the country on the map of international travel and tourism. He claims that since 1994, the number of regional and international holiday tourists has climbed by 50% to more than 5 million each year.

Because tourism is the world’s fastest expanding business, the goal of this research is to examine tourism as a potential source of job development in South Africa.

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FEDERALISM AND NATIONAL INTERGRATION IN NIGERIA: ISSUES AND CHALLENGES

Abstract
In Nigeria, the topic of federalism and the attendant crises of national integration create severe concerns. The situation is generating increasing interest and concern. The crises are so severe that a significant force is mounted on the federation, with the potential to destroy the country.

This phenomena is addressed in the book by analysing and analysing the issue. The documentary research approach is used to collect and analyse data. So textbooks, journals, and periodical publications from linked government organisations served as a required source of data for us, while system theory served as the analytical framework.

The technique of revenue allocation is identified as the key reason accountable for the crises of national integration in Nigerian federalism. It concludes that, in the face of this dilemma, harmonic unity or integration cannot occur, and the political system cannot properly adjust to both internal and external environments, making system survival impossible.

The paper argues, among other things, that because federalism is the ultimate answer to national integration difficulties, federal character and other related measures should be actively enforced. Again, the current unacceptable way of allocating funds should be altered to reflect justice, equity, and fairness.

Introduction to Chapter One
Nigeria’s national integration difficulties are so severe that the Nigerian federation is on the verge of crumbling. The country’s varied nature, along with the incorrect way of formation, gave rise to antagonistic and integrative processes.

Nigeria as a country came into being in 1914 as a result of the British fusion of the northern and southern protectorates. National integration is the ultimate goal that must be attained in a multi-ethnic country like Nigeria for any decent development to occur.

National integration, according to Chime [1971.50], is a process of cohesion between two or more social units in which these units come together to form a political whole that includes, among other things, the joining of various parts of society into a functioning whole, the growth of obedience and loyalty to its pars, and the emergence of shared national values.

As a result, Nigeria would have received national unity in which 16 obedience and allegiance to the Nigerian state surpass loyalties to its constituent sections. Citizens’ social equality is thus implied by conception.

Federation is a type of government that outlines the connection between component components that are thought to have the capacity for unifying distinct cultural cultures; it is also a system of government that was implemented to improve national integration in Nigeria.

Religions instead participate in ethnicity, political struggle between socioeconomic classes, religious conflict, and so on, culminating in national integration difficulties that reached a height during the era of attempted succession and civil war.

1.1 Statement Of the Problem
Nigeria is fundamentally a plural society, with its component groups separated by substantial disparities in language, ethnicity, and culture, resulting in differences in attitude, viewpoint, and character.
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Faced with these challenges, Nigeria turned to federalism as a means of accomplishing its long-sought aim of national integration. In essence, the approved federalism is supposed to minimise the enormously aggressive inter-ethnic struggle and conflict,

relieve the often reported fear of dominance, bring government closer to the people, and provide greater chances to the various communities, thereby integrating the country.

Decentralisation of power among component parts is required for federation. It also required that no component unit be sufficiently large as to exclude others.

The situation of Nigeria demonstrates that power is concentrated in the hands of the central government. On the other hand, structural imbalances exist between Nigeria’s northern, eastern, and western regions.

As a result of this position, political influence is disproportionately in favour of the north over other religions. The subject of revenue allocation in Nigeria is fraught with complications.

As if all of these issues aren’t enough for Nigeria federalism, the issue of onshore-offshore dichotomy, as well as the alarm raised about the marginalisation of all religions in Nigeria, are threatening the country’s unity.
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As our research questions, we can summarise them as follows.

1. Is the technique of income allocation the primary cause of Nigerian federalism’s national integration crises?

2. Could true federalism in Nigeria help to solve the challenge of national integration?

3. Could religion and ethnic loyalty provide a significant barrier to Nigerian national integration?

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