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Book Haram, which figuratively indicates that western for non-Islamic education is a sin, is a very contentious Nigeria militant group that aspires to impose Sharia rule over Nigeria’s northern region.

The group’s hierarchical structure is currently undefined. The group’s official name is jamaiatu Ahlis sunna lidda waljihad, which translates to “people committed to the propagation of the prophet’s teaching and jhad” in Arabic.

Literally, the group means “Association of Sunn’s for the propagation of Islamic and for Holy war (jihad) and Islamized northern Nigeria and probably conquered the entire country through jihad.” So far, the gang has been conducting a successful war in its stronghold territory.

Book Haram first appeared in Yobe state in 2004, and by 2011, it had made its existence known to the international community by attacking the United Nations Headquarters in Abuja. In the previous two years, it has purposefully attacked hundreds of structures, killing many innocent Nigerians.

Despite the devastation the group has wreaked, the government appears to be at a loss for how to clip the group’s wings. As a result, an effort will be made in this research work to philosophically and legally analyse the group activities and their significance for Nigerian national integration.

We will examine the group’s socioeconomic impact on Nigerian economic development as well as the driving force behind the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria, and we may propose measures to help limit their activities in Nigeria.

Chapter One : A General Introduction
1.1 Background of The Study

Nigeria as a nation-state is facing grave domestic socioeconomic and security challenges. On a broader scale, the threat has social, economic, political, and environmental implications. Each of these factors has had a significant impact on the stability of the country,

and can be linked back to ethnic militia armies, ethnic and religious conflicts, poverty, terrorism, armed robbery, corruption, economic sabotage, and environmental degradation (Ilufoye, 2009).

The Boko Haram insurgency has recently emerged as the most serious threat confronting Nigerians. These gangs have carried out several bombings, killing millions of innocent Nigerians and destroying private and public property worth billions of naira.

This stems from their attempt to persuade people in Nigeria’s north-east geopolitical zone to accept their perspective on Islamic Nigeria code and western education.

The main threat and security problems in the area are escalating attacks against Nigerian citizens, persons, public and governmental infrastructure, kidnapping, and property destruction.

All of the consequences of Boko Haram’s activities are significant crimes against the Nigerian state, endangering its national security and socioeconomic activity.

This has created significant problems to the ground strategy for national security, the major goal of which is to build the federal republic of Nigeria in order to advance her interests and objectives,

to contain instability, and to maintain control.
Crime, people’ quality of life, well-being, and the elimination of corruption (Damba-zau 2007:51)

The operations of Boko Haram have destabilised socioeconomic activities. Increased criminality and destruction of Nigerian citizens’ lives and property. The vast movement of people living in the northern portion of the country,

particularly Maiduguri, the capital of Borno State, attests to this. This circumstance has rendered it impossible for citizens in Northern Nigeria to do legitimate commerce. It also scares international investors away from the country.

Students have had to flee their schools. Because of the urgency of the problem, some governments have vowed never to allow Nigerian students from their state to travel to the northern region of the country for any reason.

Boko Haram operations have also had an impact on the posting of students from the south and east on the national youth service corps (NYSC) to the north, to the point where parents are actively opposing the sending of their children as copper to the north.

Boko Haram itself is a fatal blow to the noble goal of the scheme as a unifying strategy; the unity of Nigerians is seriously threatened by the Boko Haram fundamentalist sect, and thus, considered to be a major potential terrorist threat affecting Nigerians primarily on the part of the country’s socioeconomic activities.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

Us intelligence officers identified Boko Haram actions in November 2011 as a local salafist group attacking Christians and local police stations in Nigeria’s northeastern Borno state with matchet and poison tipped arrows. He claims that:

Boko Haram is a mode of thinking, a politically motivated grassroots insurgency against not only the Abuja administration, but also the traditional Muslim establishment. 2011 (Campbell).

After over a decade of conflict, the Nigerian government still lacks a clear strategy for eliminating the group. The terrorist group preys on disillusioned Muslims in the north who are tired of corruption. Nigeria is a heterogeneous society split by two religious faiths aside from traditional religion, with few economic possibilities.

The northern half of the country is almost entirely Muslim (50 percent of the overall Nigerian population), whereas the southern half is primarily Christian (40 percent of the total Nigerian population). The opposite movement, which began in the Muslim-dominated northern area of the country, condemned everything considered Western.

Boko Haram’s activities boosted its ranks by capitalising on the widespread discontent in the north about the country’s deficit. 72 percent of the population lives in the north.

living in poverty, compared to only 22% in the southern portion of Christopher (Bartolta, 2011).

The political goal of the Boko Haram sect is to establish an Islamic nation in Nigeria’s twelve northern states before spreading to the rest of the country. Boko Haram has always considered Nigeria as a state or country ruled by non-believers and has made the government its primary target, even when the country had a Muslim president.

As a result, the following are the objectives of this research:
1. Is poverty fueling Nigeria’s Boko Haram insurgency?

2. Is there any socioeconomic impact of the Boko Haram insurgency on Nigerian development?

3. Is discussion a desirable response to the Boko Haram threat in Nigeria?

1.3 Objectives of The Study
The study’s broad objectives are to investigate Boko Haram’s operations and their socioeconomic impact on Nigeria’s growth. Using the terrorism of Boko Haram in Nigeria as an example. to accomplish

This study work, in particular, is intended to investigate the following:

1. To ascertain whether poverty is fueling the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria.

2. To estimate the socioeconomic impact of the Boko Haram insurgency on the country (Nigeria).

3. To establish whether discussion is a desirable response to the Boko Haram threat in Nigeria.

1.4 Literature Review
The literature review examines what other scientists and authors have contributed to this study thus far. Terrorism is defined as the systematic use of the fear of violence to express political messages rather than defeating an opponent, military force.

As a result, terrorist targets are symbolic, and terrorist casualties represent a larger audience. Terrorist violence is typically theatrical and provocative in order to achieve maximum shock effectiveness.

Terrorism is typically used by a small group of fanatics who lack the ability to challenge those in authority. One of the distinguishing features of terrorism is that its users demand rewards that are proportionate to both resources. They have and the risk they take:
Terrorism is also defined by techniques that are not limited to a single ideology (smlter and Beltes, 2001).

Terrorism, according to Reich 1998, evolved as a strategy of resistance to the modern state about a half-century after the French revolution, when the term originated as a description of the state system of terror.

Terrorism was established as a central mechanism in the attempt to overthrow the established regimes, most of which were autocratic in the submission of Lain mclean terrorism as a pejorative term, also applies to the actions of government of sovereign state.

According to Lain Mclean, the term “state sponsored terrorism” is frequently used to characterise the actions of various governments that are indirectly organising or indirectly helping the perpetration of violent crimes in other states.

Lain Mclean stated that in recent years, numerous countries of differing ideological persuasions have engaged in this type of activity while strongly denouncing other sorts of conduct (Lain Mclean, 1996).

Meanwhile, terrorism is a controversial notion that is difficult to define precisely. Because the phrase is both elastic and emotive, it lends itself to subjective interpretation driven by political rather than analytical reasons; it is also difficult to separate terrorism from other forms of violence.

If terrorism is characterised in terms of the intention behind the action, such as querilla warfare or criminal actions, is it feasible to know those intentions? What is the relationship between religion and terrorism, especially among non-combatants? If so, are attacks against security targets terrorist acts?

However, there is no universally accepted definition of terrorism, and meanings vary greatly depending on who is doing the defining and for what reason. Some definitions focus on terrorist tactics, while others focus on the actor.

Ethnic separatist violence in the 1930s prompted the League of Nations, which was established after World War I to promote global stability and peace, to define terrorism for the first time as:

All criminal activities conducted against a state that are designed or calculated to instill fear in the minds of specific individuals, groups of individuals, or the general public. Terrorism was defined as such by the League of Nations in 1937.

As a result, we may conclude that the Boko Haram sect is preoccupied with carrying out varying degrees of attacks on civilians, which are typically utilised by the powerless against the powerful.

Terrorists attacking foreign targets other than those in their own country or overseas are considered international terrorists (Rurke 2008:316).

This indicates that the September 11, 2011 incident was international terrorism, whereas one of the Boko Haram sect’s acts, such as the police station attacks, constituted domestic terrorism. However, it becomes problematic if the Boko Haram sect remains a domestic terrorist organisation despite its apparent links to other foreign sects such as Hamas and Alqueda.

Terrorism, according to Claver (2002:302), is the use of force to instill fear in order to effect political, economic, or social change. Recently, terrorism has been endemic in all parts of the world. Cleavert continued by saying:

It is true, as is frequently stated, that one man’s terrorist is another’s extreme manifestation of a vital controversial subject, and its preacher’s finds to polarise to such an extent that returning to normal politics is exceedingly difficult (Claver, 2002:303).

Drawing from the above assumption, he showed how terrorism might contribute to a country’s socioeconomic underdevelopment; though he did not clarify, it is worth noting his perspective that the conduct of terrorism groups makes it impossible for society to return to normal politics.

This is based on the activities of the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria, which has been documented.
destabilising socioeconomic operations in the country’s north.

Many authors, including Heywood, view terrorism from a completely different perspective. He explained three (3) dimensions of terrorism in his opinion. He claims that:

The term is highly contentious for several reasons: first, the distinction between terrorism and warfare is muddied by the fact that the latter may also seek to instill fear in a broader population; second, because the term is highly prerogative, it stands to be used selectively (one person’s terrorist is another person’s freedom fighter);

and third, although terrorism is typically associated with anti-government activities, governments can use terror against their own or other populations, as in the case of terrorism

Heywood’s argument reminds us that interregional terrorism can take many different forms, and regardless of how these operations are carried out, the research contends that it directly contributes to underdevelopment. This is especially true in places where these states are still grappling with development issues.

Mbah (2008:139) remarked in a remarkable far-flung version of terrorism:

Terrorism being a deialed need as well as a product and manifestation of globalisation, and because this relationship is a class relation, the relevant division is antagonistic, resulting in contradictory class intersection.

This is a pretty cutting contribution to the terrorist debate. However, none of these academics have been able to demonstrate or indicate that terrorism, whether domestic or foreign, directly or indirectly leads to underdevelopment:
According to Goldia et al (92005:201),

Government efforts have been made to portray terrorism as a kind of criminal action against society that cannot be justified as having a political purpose.

Terrorism, in most cases, has a political goal, making it a ubiquitous kind of political conflict characterised by indefinable patterns of political leadership and involvement. The preceding assertion attempts to illustrate the mechanisms of the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria.

This is because, according to reports, the group avoids northern Nigerian politics and advocates for the establishment of Sharia rule. As a result, while this version discusses some of the prevalent modalities of terrorist operation in democratic politics, we should be cognizant of the violence that might occur when the democratic system fails.

1.5 Significance of the Research
Every individual lives in a world that is prone to crises. No country is immune to crisis. Human relations are today plagued by violence. Terrorism is a worldwide threat that knows no boundaries or countries. Nigeria is not immune to the threat posed by Boko Haram’s actions. As a result, the debate questions are:

1. What exactly is this threat?

2. How did the security agencies handle the situation?

3. What went wrong with the strategy used?


4. How should the government respond to the latest terrorist bombings?

5. Can a militaristic approach work without additional work?

6. Is there anything to be learned from how other countries handle such a threat?

This research will attempt to answer these questions, as well as build relevant literatures on Islamist fundamentals, and will contribute to academic, professional, and security at large as it enlightens, develops, and informs citizens and government of the recurring activities of domestic terrorists, allowing policymakers to strategize measures to deal with the conflict in Nigeria.

Beyond supplementing current literature, it will serve as a practical guide for people working in criminal investigation departments, anti-terrorism, or counter-insurgency.

This research is motivated by a great desire to contribute to the broad dissolution of its socioeconomic implications for Nigeria’s growth. As a result, it is intended that this study will be useful to students and scholars of political science, history, intelligence, and security studies, as well as the general public.

1.6 Theoretical Structure
Knowledge, according to Ohara (2003:63), does not exist in a vacuum. There is a body of theories in any domain that provides an explanation for observable facts in that field.

This section attempts to draw similarities between established ideas and the subject under investigation, and such analogies may even reinforce the study’s importance.

This work’s theoretical requirements are drawn from frustration-aggression theory, which I feel gave a detailed explanation for the genesis of the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria.

The theory was first proposed and developed by John Dollard and his research companions in 1939, and it has since been broadened and refined by schools such as Leonard Berlowitz (1962) and Audrey Yales (1962).

The theory correctly generated the comparison employed in this study to describe the dynamics of Boko Haram terrorism.
According to John Dollard (1939), the most typical explanation for aggressive action appears to be an inability to fulfil demands.

Scholars allude to the want-get-ratio (teocrabends 1969) and the gap between expected and actual need satisfaction (Davies, 1960) in their attempts to explain violence.

When expectations do not meet reality, people have a tendency to confront those they hold accountable for sabotaging their dreams. As a result, frustration aggression asserts that aggression is not simply undertaken as a natural reaction or instinct,

as realists and biological theorists assume, but that it is the result of frustration, and that is in a situation where an individual’s desire is denied, either directly or indirectly as a result of the way society is structured, the feeling of disappointment may lead such a person to express his anger through violence directed at those in authority.

According to John Dollard, the most typical explanation for violent action is instability to meet requirements. According to Bishop Mathew Hassan Kukah, Boko Haram terrorism is the result of bad governance and corruption, and is thus fed by politics (Mayor 2011). In Nigeria, nearly 76 percent of the northern population lives on less than one dollar per day.

Schools are underfunded, and the quality of education is so low that graduates are frequently unsuited for employment. Worst of all, the Nigerian government’s failure to respond to northern desires for better economic and security conditions has fuelled discontent, rendering many young men accessible to Boko Haram rerulers.

People in the north are severely marginalised and do not have access to the same economic possibilities and benefits as the rest of the country (Ibid). Mohammad Yusuf, the group’s founder and leader,

claimed that Western education, or Boko, had given nothing.
However, it brought poverty and suffering to the locality and was thus forbidden or Haram in Islam (Reutrs, 2012).

This is the central government argument that led to Robert Gurr’s (1970) relative deprivation, which was addressed by saying:
The larger the disparity, however slight, between what is wanted and what appears to be achievable, the greater the likelihood of rage and violence (Ted, 1970).

Aside from the Nigerian government being corrupt in 1999, the police cracked down on Boko Haram members who were disobeying a rule mandating motorbike riders to wear helmets.

This triggered an outpouring of rage. As the unrest expanded across northern Nigeria, police stations and government offices in Borno state were burned to the ground, hundreds of residents were released in prison breaks, innocent citizens were killed in bomb explosions, public and private property was damaged, and so on.

The government and its troops finally broke the camel’s back when the leader of the Boko Haram group, Mohammed Yusuf, was apprehended and shot dead in police custody. More than 800 persons were killed in five days of warfare (Morgan, 2011).

In other words, the group is still vehemently anti-government and anti-authority, and angry of the decades of corrupt, ineffective government that have improved its home region (Ibid).

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