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ABSTRACT
Under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) standards, both men and women should have equal rights and opportunities to everything worldwide, most especially to participate fully in all aspects and at all levels of political processes. In Africa, women constitute over half of the population and contribute in vital ways to societal development generally. This study has investigated gender parity in Nigeria: examining the implementation of national gender policy in the national assembly (2011 – 2019). The study adopted qualitative methodology and used secondary sources of data such as journal, articles, papers from past writers, authors and researchers. From the findings, it was revealed that despite the National Gender Policy in Nigeria fails to achieve the critical mass of 30% women’s representation in the National Assembly. The Nigerian socioeconomic factors, political structures,, historical heritages, and, societal norms and beliefs have created a factor militating gender parity main stream in Nigerian politics. The imperative of gender policy to democratic consolidation in Nigeria requires the mainstreaming of gender parity for political development of the nation since democracy is only achievable on the altar of popular participation of every citizen of the society, males and females alike. The study therefore recommends that a political environment supportive of and conducive for women’s participation is a responsibility of the government. Government must curb the culture of electoral violence and the use of political thugs and gangsters to suppress and witch-hunt political opponents in the country.
Key Words: Gender Parity, Gender Equality, Gender Inequality, Women Participation.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Title i
Declaration ii
Certification iii
Dedication iv
Acknowledgements v
Abstract vi
Table of Contents vii
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction 14Gender Parity 14National Gender Policy Framework 15The National Gender Policy Context 16Culture, Family and Socialisation in Nigeria 16Political Participation for Women and Men 18Economic Participation for Women and Men 21Institutional Framework for Implementing Gender Policies 24Political Will for Implementation of Gender Equality Policies 24The Gender Management System for Nigeria 25Summary of Review 28
CHAPTER THREE: EVALUATION OF FACTORS MILITATING AGAINST GENDER PARITY IN NIGERIA UNDER GOODLUCK AND BUHARI ADMINISTRATIONS
Introduction 29Evaluation of factors militating against Gender Parity in Nigeria 29Marginalization of Nigerian Women in Governance 29Women and appointment into positions of authority 30Odds against Nigerian Women 31National Gender Policy in National Assembly (2011-2019) 37Evaluation of Gender Parity Under Goodluck Jonathan and
Muhammadu Buhari Administrations 41
CHAPTER FOUR: ANALYSIS OF THE NATIONAL GENDER POLICY AND FACTORS MILITATING AGAINST IT IN NIGERIAIntroduction 56Level of Implementation of Gender Policy in National Assembly 57Comparative analysis of Goodluck Jonathan and President
Muhammadu Buhari’s Administrations 60
Comparison of Factors that Militated Against GoodLuck Johnathan
and Buhari’s Administration 65
Synthesis of factors militating against Gender Parity in Nigeria 70Challenges to Women’s Right and Gender parity 83
CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMSRY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Summary 86Conclusion 87Recommendations 88
References 90
CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION
Under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) standards, both men and women should have equal rights and opportunities to everything worldwide, most especially to participate fully in all aspects and at all levels of political processes. In Africa, women constitute over half of the population and contribute in vital ways to societal development generally (Makama, 2013). In most societies, women assume some key roles some of which are: mother, producer, home-manager, and community organizer, sociocultural and political activists. Conversely, various women in the society work and as well they pursue their political admission through not well represented.
In society, Africa’s progress towards parity is poor in comparison to other regions. It has the highest average maternal mortality rate. Women’s education and women’s financial and digital inclusion relative to men are also below the world average, with financial inclusion declining over the past four years (Awajiusuk, 2015). One bright spot has been some progress on women’s political representation in some countries, though improvement has not happened consistently across countries.
In pre-colonial Africa, the traditional subsistence economy encouraged cooperation between the sexes, leaving no room for competition. African women used to occupy advantageous positions as queen-mothers, princesses, and female chiefs within their communities.
The advent of colonization, the dictates of world trade, and the conservative ‘Victorian’ values gave the economic role to men giving little recognition to the traditional economic and socio- political status of women. This in turn created a disparity in the productivity, attitude, and outlook of men and women (Oloyede, 2016).
The gender relations created by colonization gave rise to the degradation of women in contemporary Africa. Gender parity concerns relative equality in terms of numbers and proportions of women and men and is often calculated as the ratio of female-to-male values for a given indicator (Adjepong, 2015). When half of the world’s population is not able to fully participate and contribute equally to any effort, performance is degraded (Agbalajobi, 2010). Every aspect of society suffers when women’s contributions are not brought to the forefront and applied for greater benefit, including the workplace.
This gender stratified society assigns rights and responsibilities on the basis of physiological differences between men and women. Men are believed to be physically stronger than women and are expected to be involved in physical activities and more labor-oriented tasks. Furthermore, women are seen to be emotionally driven while men are more goal-oriented (Olorunbunmi, 2015, p. 15). Consequently, women are considered to be fit for domestic and reproductive roles while men are regarded as traditional heads of households and wield enormous decision-making powers (Gbadamosi, 2007, p. 11).
In Nigeria, the extant National Gender Policy (NGP) recommended 35% affirmative action instead and sought a more inclusive representation of women with at least 35% of both elective political and appointive public service positions respectively.
However, the re-introduction of democratic governance has witnessed once again an increase in women’s political participation both in elective and appointive offices in Nigeria (Igbelina- Igbokwe, 2013).
In 2010, Former President Goodluck Jonathan had ordered the Military to allow females interested in becoming Combatant Officers of the Nigerian Armed forces to be admitted into the Nigeria Defense Academy (NDA) for the first time (Adjepong, 2015). The first set of twenty Females nicknamed “Jonathan Queens” were first admitted into the course in Goodluck Jonathan administration in 2011.
The Jonathan administration based the Transformation Agenda on and draws its inspiration from the Vision 20:2020 and the first National Implementation Plan according to the summary of federal key priority policies, programmes. It aims to deepen the effects and provide a sense of direction. The agenda is based on a set of priority policies and programmes which, when implemented, would transform the Nigerian economy to meet the future needs of the people (Oyewole & Adeyemo, 2013).
President Buhari, on Women Empowerment, promised that he will:
Ensure the rights of women are protected as enshrined in our Constitution;Guarantee that women are adequately represented in government appointments and provide greater opportunities in education, job creation, and economic empowerment;Recognize and protect women empowerment and gender equality with special emphasis on economic activities in rural areas;Use the Party structures to promote the concept of reserving a minimum number of seats in the States and National Assembly, for women (Eniola, 2018). Statement of the Problem
Over the years, data and statistics from surveys and research in developing countries, including Nigeria, have increasingly suggested that development is a gendered exercise, impacting differently on women and men. Ruling social norms, political and economic factors endemic in any particular society determine how development benefits different groups of the society. Consequently, promotion of the goal of gender equality has become globally accepted as a strategy for reducing poverty levels among women and men, improving health and living standards, and enhancing the efficiency of public investments (Olomojobi, 2013).
In Nigeria, the entrenched patriarchal social system translates into male domination and subordination of women in both private and public spheres, the result of which is construction and perpetuation of gender inequality. Women are seen to be more vulnerable to poverty, cultural, and societal vices. Empirical evidence shows gender disparity in enrolment, retention and completion at all levels- primary, secondary, and tertiary (Oloyede, 2016). In 15 northern states, the disparity in favour of males is quite high. In the South-East, where males drop out and engage in income-generating activities to supplement household income the disparity is in the favour of females as attention is shifted to the female to be educated than their male counterparts who are more into trade and business. Nigerian women are contributing their quota to the development of the nation, but their potentials seem not to have been fully tapped due to some constraints.
This may be as a result of lingering constraints including poor economic condition of Nigerian women, lack of adequate legislation and policies to support the rights of women, unequal access to education, limited access to land and lack of assertiveness among women (Adjepong, 2015). Level of education, income level, and men’s perception of the need for women’s participation in development has been viewed as determining factors in women’s participation in development processes.
With regard to political participation, women have been grossly underrepresented. Affirmative action has not been fully adopted by either governments or political parties. There is still a low level of education among women (Uzoanya & Awodipe, 2015). Despite past efforts of government at integrating and implementing the National Gender Policy, gender inequalities remain pervasive within most Nigerian spaces and it is against this background this study seeks to examine gender parity in Nigeria: examining the implementation of national gender policy in the national assembly (2011 – 2019) from the Goodluck Jonathan Administration and the current President Buhari administration which will form the basis of analysis in this study.
The main objective of the study is to examine gender parity in Nigeria: examining the implementation of national gender policy in national assembly (2011 – 2019). The specific objectives are to:
Examine the provision of the National Gender PolicyKnow how the National Gender Policy in National Assembly has been Implemented under Goodluck and Buhari Administrations.Evaluate factors militating against Gender Parity in Nigeria under Goodluck and Buhari Administrations.
The following questions are formulated to guide the study;
What are the provision of the National Gender Policy ?How has the Gender Policy in National Assembly been implemented under Goodluck and Buhari Administrations.?What are the factors militating against Gender Parity in Nigeria under Goodluck and Buhari Administrations.?
The following propositions were formulated to guide this study;
There are no factors militating against gender Parity in NigeriaThe Gender Policy in the National Assembly has not been fully implemented
The study has both theoretical and practical significance. Theoretically, this study will add to the body of knowledge on the levels of Gender Parity in Nigeria. It will throw more light on the existing literature with regard to the role of Gender Parity play in developmental processes and the factors that militate against it. It will be of great help to students and researchers who may want to investigate issues relating to Gender Parity. Practically, this work will produce data, which will enhance the understanding of major factors and issues on the subject market and the best strategies for eliminating the constraints. Based on this, governmental and non- governmental organizations would be able to mount effective policies that will promote gender parity in Nigeria. This work will also serve as a working document to women community-based organizations and other established women organizations that are interested in improving the status of women. Therefore, the women and the society at large will benefit from this study as the recommendations will enable policymakers, governments, Civil Society organizations to promote gender parity in society.
1.8 Scope and Limitations of the Study
This study is limited to the examination of gender parity in Nigeria: examining the implementation of national gender policy in National Assembly (2011 – 2019). The study will
be comparative examination of Goodluck Ebele Jonathan and President Muhammadu Buhari’s administrations.
The study will further examine the provision of the National Gender Policy, ascertain how the National Gender Policy in National Assembly has been Implemented under Goodluck and Buhari Administrations and evaluate factors militating against Gender Parity in Nigeria under Goodluck and Buhari Administrations.
The study is anchored on the Inequality Theory. The origin of gender inequality between men and women has been one of the most intellectual debates after the rise of modern feminism. Great thinkers in the history of ideas such as Aristotle and Thomas Quinas suggested speculative interpretation of gender differences (Makama,2013). Continuously, nineteenth century evolutionary theorist such as Bachofen and Karl Marx consider various possible evolutionary sequences in organization kinship and gender relations. Some early efforts aimed at justifying existing institutions and others to question them sound like contemporary standard (Adjepong, 2015). The argument behind the origin of feminist analyses is the ideological implication of female subordination over the centuries. Also, there have been a high superior prevalence of male status across time, space and social circumstances that are beyond denial especially in Nigerian Political System (Awajiusuk, 2015). For instance, politics in Nigeria is mainly considered for the men and even political appointment, women hold few key appointments (Eniola, 2018). Therefore, the pervasiveness of male dominance is the absolute aim of analyzing gender differences. The question that arises is that “how can the apparent universal subordination
of female be reconciled with equality in countries like Nigeria with it strong traditional background? (Anyogu & Arinze, C. 2013, p; 30).
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