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AUDIENCE PERCEPTION AND ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE USE OF PIDGIN IN BROADCASTING

Chapter two.

Literature Review

2.1 Introduction.

This chapter will provide a literature review for the study. The presentation will be divided into three primary sections: conceptual review, theoretical review, and summary of the literature examined.

2.2 Conceptual Review

2.2.1 Origin and Concept of Nigerian Pidgin English.

Nigerian pidgin is mostly an English-based pidgin and a Creole language by definition. According to Wikipedia (2017), the free encyclopaedia, this is because most speakers of the language are not native speakers, despite the fact that many children learn it from an early age. Pidgin, sometimes known as “brokin,” is widely spoken throughout Nigeria.

Elugbe and Omamor (1991) define pidgin as “some kind of a marginal language that arises to fulfil specific communication needs in welldefined circumstances.”

The aforementioned perspective suggests that pidgin is not an official lingualfranca, but rather a subsidiary language used for interaction, particularly among people who do not speak the same language.

According to Elugbe and Omamor, who cite Hall (1966), there are two indices that determine if a language is pidgin. According to their theory, for a language to be classified as pidgin, “its grammatical structure and vocabulary must be sharply reduced;

secondly, the resultant language must be native to none of those who use it” (Elugbe & Omamor, 1991). In accordance with the preceding assertion, Rickford (1998) confirmed that:

A pidgin frequently incorporates parts of its users’ original language and is simpler than their native languages in terms of word count, morphology, and a more limited range of phonological and syntactic choices.

Nigeria, according to Awodiya (2006), includes approximately 250 ethnic groupings. According to Wikipedia (2017), all of Nigeria’s approximately 250 ethnic groups can communicate in pidgin, however they typically add their own versions. The following examples exemplify this reality:

When speaking pidgin, the Yorubas utilise vocabulary like ‘Se’ (pronounced Shay) and ‘abi’. These are frequently employed as the beginning or finish of an intoned speech or query. For example, the phrase “you are coming right?” becomes “Se you dey come?” or “you dey come abi?”

The Igbos introduced the word “Nna,” which is also used at the beginning of some phrases to express brotherhood. Examples: “Man, that test was hard” changes to “Nna, that test hard no be small.” (Ingboanusi, 2008)

The origin of Nigerian Pidgin may be difficult to determine, however it can be traced back to contacts between Europeans and Nigerians. According to the literature, Nigerian Pidgin English was spoken as early as the 18th century, particularly in the Niger Delta’s coastal city states (Agheyisi, 1984; Ogu, 1992).

According to Agheyisi (1984), this early pidgin was mostly used for trading. However, as Flint (1960, p.83) notes, societal conditions and the introduction of schools by missionaries and colonial administrations gradually led to its growth and development.

The influx of Ibo (Igbo) east of the Niger resulted in a cosmopolitan effect, with most cities becoming trilingual, speaking Ijo, Efik, Ibo (Igbo), and Pidgin English for trade with Europeans.

By the end of the 18th century, Calabar had basic schools for teaching Pidgin English, reading, and writing, with the goal of producing clerks and bookkeepers.

In addition, Elugbe and Omamor (1991) assert that “Nigerian Pidgin rose from the contact between multilingual coastal communities of Nigeria and visiting European explorers/traders – first, the Portuguese, then briefly the Dutch and finally the English” .

As a result, there was an urgent need to communicate in a common language. A Portuguese-based Pidgin was initially developed, but it was later replaced by an English-based pidgin, which is still extensively used today. According to Jowitt (2000, p. 15):

Nigerian Pidgin probably evolved and developed its standard forms over a 3000-year period between the sixteenth and nineteenth century. Its vocabulary is based on English, with popular words like dash, palaver, and sabby (or sabe) most likely originating in Portuguese.

This is because the visiting European traders/explorers most likely considered it was unnecessary to acquire the language of the locals, possibly because they were superior to their local hosts and hence unwilling to master the local language.

On the other side, it could be because the local host speaks a variety of dialects and languages. As a result, foreigners began interacting with Nigerians in their native language.

According to Elugbe and Omamor (1991), “Nigerians had to accommodate the visiting Englishmen by resorting to some makeshift form of English”.

Therefore, Jowitt(2000) states that NigPE “served as a language of trade for communication between Englishmen and Nigerians living along the Nigerian coast and Pidgin was useful because it could be learned easily by both races” .

This was largely due to the fact that trade was the primary objective of both sides, and the Europeans saw little reason to invade the interior. However, in the nineteenth century, when Europeans, particularly Englishmen, took a new interest in the people and their land, the Englishmen did penetrate the interior, driven by religious and political interests.

Pidgin was thus supposed to serve as an important means of communication between the indigenous peoples and the invaders. Following independence, Nigeria adopted Standard English as its official language.

Despite the usage of Standard English as the nation’s lingua franca, it is clear that many Nigerians prefer to communicate in NigPE. According to Mafeni (1971), NigPE has become widely spoken in Nigeria, and many town and city residents are bilingual in NigPE and one indigenous language, usually their mother tongue.

Faraclas (2004), like Mafeni, claims that NigPE is now spoken by millions of people, particularly those under the age of 30, representing various linguistic areas in Nigerian culture.

According to Ihemere (2006), Nigerian pidgin is the native language of roughly three (3) to five (5) million people and at least another 75 million people speak it as a second language. Faraclas (2004, p.828) says this:

More than half of Nigeria’s 140 million people are now conversant in the language, making NPE the most widely spoken language in the country as well as the indigenous African language with the most speakers.

Given the rapid prevalence of NPE among younger Nigerians, this number is expected to rise to more than 70 or 80 percent by the time the current generation of children enters adulthood. NPE has more speakers than any other Creole language in the world.

Previously, NigPE seemed to have received little attention, with most speakers only embracing and associating with the language when it was essential to communicate. It’s worth noting that, despite its widespread use in Nigeria, Pidgin has yet to receive formal recognition.

However, the continued usage of NigPE by Nigerians has resulted in its increased popularity throughout the country. In other words, despite its unofficial status, NigPE has remained one of society’s most significant languages.

Although no language is linguistically minor or major, genuine or bastardised, Nigerian Pidgin English is often perceived as corrupt, bastardised, or substandard (Igboanusi 2008; Mann 1996). As noted by Elugbe and Omamor (1991), the general public’s impressions of NigPE are not founded on sound or logical reasoning.

Despite the fact that NigPE is spoken by the majority of Nigeria’s population today (Faraclas 2004; Igboanusi 2008), and it is used by people from all walks of life, including graduates and professionals (Akande 2008), the majority of Nigerians’ attitudes towards NigPE remain uninspiring. According to Deuber (2005, p. 183),

Although it is a major lingua franca, it has no official recognition; even without any policy statements, it performs a growing range of functions, including that of a medium of public broadcasting, but no efforts have been made to develop it so that it can cope with these functions, as has been done for major and, to some extent, minor indigenous languages.

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PROPOSAL ON SOCIAL MEDIA USAGE AMONG STUDENTS DURING ENDSARS PROTEST

Literature Review

Conceptual framework

Social Media

This new medium uses digital channels to raise awareness and encourage social participation. Social media can be used to provide information, education, and entertainment.

According to Al-Harrasi and Al-Badi (2014), social networking sites have become a standard part of students’ everyday routines. They use many social networking sites, including Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Academia, and MySpace, and spend a significant amount of time on them.

Social media is employed not only in students’ daily lives, but also for economic transactions, advertising, and social movement activities. This is ‘a two-way digital system’ (Biagi, 2013). In other words, interactive systems allow users to provide feedback.

However, there is a divide between digital users and non-users, which may be due to social inequality. Technological advancements enable social media users to communicate their emotions and thoughts in any situation. Users may rapidly spread, share, and retweet messages via social media networks.

Social media plays an essential role in connecting people from all over the world. It helps to blend other people’s cultures, and because of the time spent on social media, users see many issues and share their perspectives on them.

Because social media has become a habit for many users, it can influence how they perceive an incident (Barkan, 2016). Social media is particularly important for campaigns since it allows individuals to communicate quickly and easily.

Social protests

People today rely not only on political parties and the electoral process to voice their preferences, but also on rallies, protests, campaigns, petitions, marches, and organisations to assist them achieve their social change objectives (Johnston, 2011). The opportunity structure must consider how a social movement is motivated by grievances (Lopes, 2014).

These grievances might stem from a shift or deterioration in political, social, or economic conditions (Lopes, 2014). Social movements rely on print and online media to mobilise and obtain public support, much as movements rely on the media to elicit compassion for their problems (Lopes, 2014).

People can now move and organise themselves because to advancements in technology. Social media platforms including Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, email, text messaging, and photo sharing have improved social connections, communications, and public participation in social movements.

Overview of the Endsars Protest

#EndSARS began as a campaign to dismantle Nigeria’s Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), a unit of the Nigerian Police Force known for its brutality and human rights breaches.

It was initially used in 2018 to raise awareness to claims of brutality and exploitation by SARS officials. The government announced structural improvements to SARS, but claimed human rights breaches and exploitation persisted.

SARS personnel shot a youngster in the streets of Delta State without provocation in October 2020, according to social media accounts.3 Although the Nigerian Police denied the shooting in this case, this was insufficient to quiet popular outrage, as further recordings of police shootings were published on social media sites.

Celebrities and activists rallied for support on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook, and in only a few days, demonstrators packed the streets of Lagos and Abuja demanding an end to SARS. Pressured by the protests’ notoriety, the Nigerian government quickly announced the disbandment of SARS.

This step, however, was insufficient to pacify the demonstrators, given the government’s earlier comments. For example, in December 2017, the Inspector General of Police (IGP) declared that SARS had been barred from performing stop and search operations due to many accusations of harassment.

The IGP openly re-announced this restriction in 2018 and 2020, indicating that previous orders were unsuccessful. Similarly, in 2018, Nigeria’s acting president promised a reform of SARS, indicating that the National Human Rights Commission would look into cases of abuse.

This declaration was quickly followed by the establishment of a centralised FSARS (Federal Special Anti-Robbery Squad) that would report to the Inspector General of Police, as opposed to the previous version, which was overseen by state Commissioners of Police.

Only a few weeks later, the IGP stated that FSARS would be disbanded, with the unit returning to decentralisation and state commissioner command.

In light of previous practices and disappointments, demonstrators added to their list of demands, requesting reparations for victims of SARS brutality, police officer retraining, and the trials of indicted authorities.

Theoretical Review

The Public Sphere Theory by Jurgen Habermas.

Jurgen Habermas’ The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere serves as a foundation for conversations about the public sphere(s) and, as a result, influences political activity.

Harbemas (1989) defines the public sphere as an area inside social life where public opinion is produced in a way that is open to everybody.

The theory’s proponent contends that social class statuses are meaningless in this area, and that relationships between activists in the public sphere are built via a common desire to participate in issues that affect the entire society.

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HATE SPEECH BILL AND THE FIGHT AGAINST MISINFORMATION ON SOCIAL MEDIA

Chapter one

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the Study

Since the dawn of time, man has naturally demonstrated a desire to express himself in matters impacting his overall well-being and the growth of the community in which he lives.

Although, as societies evolve, this innermost yearning has increasingly been met with repressive tendencies in the form of harsh laws, expulsion, physical torture, and so on imposed by the ruling class, man has remained fearless in his pursuit of free expression of views (Layefa and Johnson, 2016).

According to Oloyede (2008), despite the unparalleled utility and indispensability of free speech and press freedom to the proper and progressive functioning of society, many repressive and fascist governments, as well as numerous nefarious groups and institutions, and diabolical individuals, continue to harass, maltreat, victimise, terrorise, imprison, and persecute these noble institutions.

Indeed, despite the ominous dangling of the sword of repression, torture, and death, among other things, against free speech and free press, man remains undaunted to pursue them, much to the dismay of free speech opponents.

Democracy is widely recognised as the most popular form of government on the planet. It is largely recognised as a government of, for, and by the people.

According to Obasanjo and Mabgunje (1992), as cited in Ogah and Ogeyni (2014), democracy as an ideology is a governance philosophy that prioritises citizens’ basic freedoms or fundamental human rights, the rule of law, the right to property, the free flow of information, and the right to choose between competing political positions.

Simply said, democracy is a political system in which the people have power rather than a small clique or oligarchy, where the rule of law, majority rule, and constitutionalism are fundamental guiding principles of governance.

In this context, Ramaswamy (2007) stated that democracy entails rule by the people rather than one individual or group. He went on to claim that, unlike other systems like monarchy, dictatorship, or oligarchy, where there is a distinction between the ruler and the ruled, the people are both rulers and controlled.

Nigeria joined the League of Democratic Nations in 1999. One of the distinguishing features of a true democracy is freedom. The ability to be free is most visible in one’s ability to express oneself freely without fear of physical or psychological consequences (from the government or otherwise). The boundaries of free expression have become more malleable.

This could be attributed to globalisation, which has physically removed all borders and is primarily driven by the internet. The internet has transformed freedom of expression, which was previously limited to television, radio, and print media, among other outlets.

We now have social media, which allows individuals or groups to sit in the comfort of their bedrooms or offices and, with the click of a mouse or the tap of a screen, express themselves freely to millions of other users who are not bound by the physically defined borders and boundaries of countries or regions (Joel, 2013).

However, freedom of expression and press refers to the right to speak anything one wishes, subject to the consequences of the law, which, in a constitutional democracy, must be fair and justiciable. Thus, liberty, often known as freedom of expression, and the press are two distinct notions.

These include imposing no prior limitation on publishing and press liberty; that is, there is no prior limit on what can or cannot be published. There should be no previous publication reprimands.

Everyone is free to share his or her feelings, facts, information, or publications with the public. Denying this liberty undermines free expression and the press (Joel, 2013).

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PSYCHOSOCIAL EFFECT OF VIOLENT MOVIES ON CHILDREN IN NIGERIA

Chapter one

Introduction

Background of the study.
The film business produces films in a variety of formats, including video cassette, video compact disc (VCD), and, more recently, digital video disc (DVD).

These films are also shown on some channels such as “Africa Magic,” Joy TV,” etc., on DSTV, “Cine Africa,” MYTV,” and other cable network services that people subscribe to and which are viewed by the audience through televisions, which is also classified as a type of media, among other things.

Films are clearly acknowledged as one of the instruments of socialisation. This means that films have the potential to influence children’s attitudes, characteristics, lifestyles, and cultures in both positive and negative ways.

As a result, it is critical to understand the types of films being created for children’s viewing, as technology allows an increasing number of individuals in society to access television.

According to Daramola (2005: 90), “the mass media are very powerful socialisation agents.” The mass media consists mostly of newspapers, magazines, radio, television, and movies.

They are impersonal sources that reach huge, diverse and geographically dispersed audiences. Their specific role in socialisation is debatable, but they have enormous power as news and entertainment distributors.

Several studies have found that the mass media, particularly television, has a significant impact on the socialisation of children, adolescents, and even adults.

People, particularly children, learn many aggressive and violent acts from watching these films, and they frequently demonstrate such acts in their neighbourhood, school, and other social settings.

As adolescents watch violent films, kids are more likely to engage in criminal activity such as bullying, kicking, raping, and other delinquent behaviours (Oslow, 2003:73).

The themes of these films are indeed broad, covering Nigerian, African, and universal issues such as the evils of polygamy, extramarital affairs, elopement, various forms of rituals, cultism, betrayal, marriage, witchcraft, incest, clash of western and traditional cultures, landlords and tenants, widowhood, teenage pregnancy, drug trafficking, campus life, tribal conflicts, religious conflicts, organised crime, murder, and so on (Akpabio, 2003: 138-139).

Other films, such as those produced by Mount Zion Ministries for the goal of promoting the gospel, contain entirely Christian subjects and focus on the horrors that occur in churches and among pastors.

Examples include “Busy but guilty,” “Blood on the alter,” and “One Careless Night.” Many additional films could be educational and depict some Nigerian cultures, while others could be documentaries that highlight the history and evolution of some Nigerian cultures over time.

One such documentary film is “Towards a Metaphysics,” which was released in 2010. Unfortunately, the bulk of Nigerian films have violent themes such as cultism, murder, rape, and forceful battles.

Romance refers to sex, nudity, and obscenity, as well as the use of strong language, among other things. Another frequent theme is ceremonies and the use of traditional medicine.

Most of these are obviously negative themes, and thus harmful to the development of personality and behaviour in our modern society, particularly among children who are still in the primary and secondary stages of their socialisation or learning process, and are vulnerable or prone to picking up or adopting attitudes and behaviours from what they see in films.

The portrayal of negative topics has long been the foundation of the Nigerian cinema business, most likely due to the benefits of consistent audience sponsorship as well as the audience’s interest in pornography, nudity, and violence.

The industry was accused of exaggerating negative topics. In its instructions for motion picture makers, the National Film and Video Censors Board (the industry’s governing body) asked for production to be above board in portraying violence, crimes, sex, pornographic vulgarity, obscenity, and other sensitive issues (NFVCB, 2000:107-111).

Most Nigerian films today have deteriorated in quality, particularly those depicting sex, obscenity, violence, and vulgarity. A comparison of older films such as “Outcast 1&2” and “Night out (Girls for sale)” produced between 1999 and 2000 to more recent ones such as “Dirty secret” and “Men in love” produced between 2010 and 2011, has proven that the level of portrayal of nudity pornography and sex has become worse than before, and that actors and actresses are now more comfortable being nude while acting.

This is clearly harmful to children, who will get more interested in pornography and may eventually develop addictions. This will not only increase the number of rape complaints, but it will also result in an increase in adolescent pregnancies, abortions, and abandonment of undesired kids, all of which will increase the number of children cared for at motherless baby homes.

As a result, in order to determine how violent films can be harmful to children in our society, it is also necessary to learn what local residents think about the nature of some of the themes depicted in home videos, as well as their attitudes towards such films, because they have a direct impact on their children.

Calabar South is a Local Government Area in Cross River State, Nigeria. Its headquarters are in Anantigha. It covers 264 square kilometres and has a population of 191,630 (according to the 2006 census).

1.2 Problems with the study

If an examination or study is conducted on the demographics of Nigerian moviegoers, the results will undoubtedly show that the majority are children and teenagers.

Older adults will make up the minority due to the obligations of going to work, earning a living, and planning a home. As youngsters grow and mature into adults, they eventually lose interest in watching films because they learn to prioritise certain things over others and develop a sense of responsibility (Daramola, 2005).

According to a research conducted by Liebert and Poulson (1972), children in Canada begin watching television before the age of three. By the age of 18, a child will have spent more time watching television than anywhere else, including school. In the United States of America, youngsters watch more than three hours of television daily.

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ROLE OF THE MASS MEDIA IN PROPAGATING AGAINST GENDER BASED VIOLENCE

Chapter One: Introduction

1.1 Background for the Study

Women around the world confront prejudice in a variety of settings, including the job and the family. According to the 2012 World Development Report, women are more likely than males to work in the informal sector, earn less for similar work, and are more likely to live in poverty even when working. Many women lack authority over household money, and in certain cases, their own income.

For example, up to 34% of married women in Malawi and 28% of women in the Democratic Republic of Congo do not have a say in how their wages are spent (World Bank, 2012).

This study focuses on a specific form of discrimination against women in the home: domestic violence and women’s views towards such violence. Physical, sexual, and psychological violence against women is widespread around the world, creating a major public health and human rights concern.

According to the 2012 World Development Report, women are significantly more likely than men to be victims of violence perpetrated by an intimate partner or someone they know than by others.

However, in many countries, violence against women is seen as normal or justified. According to the survey, 29% of women in a sample of nations said that wife beating was appropriate for arguing with her husband, 25% for refusing to have sex, and 21% for burning food (World Bank, 2018).

Domestic violence is a global issue, but it is especially critical in Nigeria, where gender inequality and domestic violence against women are prevalent. Several factors have been proposed for the persistence of gender inequality in Nigeria, including the prevalence of poverty and the limited engagement of women in income-generating activities.

However, Das Gupta (1987) finds evidence to contradict these assumptions, reporting that significant landowning castes in Nigeria had the most unequal sex ratios, whilst lower castes had more equal ratios.

She also discovers that the Nigerian states of Punjab and Haryana have severely unequal sex ratios, despite the high incidence of female labour engagement in agricultural operations.

As a result, she finds that gender discrimination in Nigeria stems mostly from a cultural preference for men. While many studies have been conducted on the economic causes of gender inequality, there has been little research on how underlying cultural views about gender might be addressed.

My work contributes to the literature by focusing on the use of media, specifically television and radio, as a channel for reducing cultural preference for men and discrimination against women.

The media not only provide amusement, but also knowledge about the outside world and exposure to alternative ways of life. Previous study has shown that such awareness can influence a wide range of attitudes and behaviours.

Olenick (2018) discovered that in Nigeria, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, women who watched television on a regular basis and had been exposed to explicit family planning messaging on radio or television were more likely to support family planning than other women.

Furthermore, Chong and La Ferrara (2009) demonstrate that the proportion of women who were separated or divorced increased significantly in Brazil following the introduction of a TV channel that promoted ideas such as female emancipation in the workplace, the female pursuit of pleasure and love, and an emphasis on individualism.

Olken (2009), on the other hand, discovers that better television signal reception in Indonesian villages, which is linked to more time spent watching television, is associated with significantly lower levels of participation in social activities such as neighbourhood associations and school committees

as well as lower self-reported measures of trust. This shows that television consumption may lead to a shift away from other social activities or family responsibilities.

Jensen and Oster (2009) investigate the effects of cable television on women’s status in the Nigerian state of Tamil Nadu. They discover that the introduction of cable television, with television programmes that presented urban attitudes and values, is associated with a 16% decrease in reported acceptability of domestic violence, an 8.8% decrease in son preference, and increases in women’s autonomy and participation in household decision-making.

Their findings also imply that exposure to cable television boosts school enrollment among younger children, maybe due to greater autonomy for women.

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SOCIAL MEDIA USAGE AMONG STUDENTS DURING ENDSARS PROTEST

ABSTRACT

The introduction of the Internet has resulted in the development of better and user-friendly media tools known as social media. These media channels enable the effective dissemination of audio-visual messages around the world in seconds with the push of a button.

Because of its (social media’s) efficacy in providing entertainment, information, and education across societies, they are viewed as useful in aiding political education and mobilisation of the people.

The study looked at the impact of social media during the Endars protest. Social media plays an important role in providing political education and mobilising the masses.

Against this backdrop, it is recommended that governments and non-governmental organisations alike integrate the use of Twitter with mainstream media for information sharing in order to provide the necessary education on politics and governance for further political mobilisation of the people. Political parties, politicians, and other political groups should also use Twitter to communicate their agendas, policies, and manifestos.

Chapter one

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background for the Study

Before the start of the millennium, the globe relied heavily on mainstream media for information. News dissemination was not as instantaneous as it is now since some of the tools accessible now were not available back then.

Correspondents had to travel many miles to and from news beats to deliver information, resulting in some news articles being published weeks or months after they occurred.

Gone are the days when you write a letter to a friend living overseas and he receives it in three months, and you have to wait that long for his response.

However, the technological revolution that began with the introduction of the Internet in the mid-1990s has prepared the way for social media and microblogging sites in the 2000s.

Social media, and by extension, the internet, allow for the instant distribution of news. Sending and receiving information is no longer limited by distance and time, marking a significant break in the communication barrier that has existed from the beginning of space and time.

Ayankoya, Calitz, and Cullen (2015) define social media as the use of internet-based apps and services for communication, collaboration, content creation, and sharing by individuals and groups.

The primary focus of social media is communication, how it occurs, and the connections that develop as a result of these communications. Individuals and groups can use social media to create, maintain, and stay connected to a network of people who share their interests (Ayankoya et al., 2015).

According to statistics, 2.38 billion individuals visit Facebook each month (zephoria.com, 2019). Further research has revealed that Facebook users spend 33% of their online time on Facebook, while individuals spend approximately 25% of their online time on the various social media networks available.

Social media is thus an essential platform for businesses and organisations to use in order to reach their target audiences (Ayankoya et al., 2015).

The concept of youth varies by culture and society. Most Nigerian civilizations have some formal rites of passage that mark the transition from childhood to youth. These ceremonies have symbolic value because simply partaking in them elevates an individual’s prestige and position. Such a new status obtains credibility through actual community activity and acknowledgment.

One thing is certain: the boundaries that define the transition from childhood to youth and from youth to adulthood are evolving, and each new stage is now manifested in a unique way.

Because the changes that young people must deal with are not as predictable as they once were, defining youth worldwide based on a specific age range can be a tough task.

The United Nations and others commonly use the age range 15-24 for statistical purposes, but this distinction can be too narrow for nations such as Nigeria. The term “youth” has evolved to reflect changing political, economic, and socio-cultural contexts, beyond its statistical definition.

In many African countries, for example, the male transition to maturity, in terms of gaining the economic and social stability that comes with consistent employment, may last until the late twenties or mid-thirties.

So far, several meanings and ideas have been proposed for the terms “young” and “youth”. However, there is no absolute agreement on these definitions and concepts. However, some definitions and notions are important.

The United Nations Education, Scientific, and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) describes youth as the age during which a person develops the capacities and social skills required to be prepared for the financial gain and responsibilities that adulthood brings.

As a result, youth can be defined as a distinct stage of life with distinct social, economic, psychological, and political aspects, rather than a time period restricted to specific age ranges (Melike, 2017). However, the Federal Republic of Nigeria defines youth as everyone aged 15 to 29 (Third National Youth Policy Document, 2019).

Nigeria is currently the world’s seventh most populous country and the fastest growing. Nigeria’s population is now estimated at 200, 950,000, with a median age of 17.9 years (worldometers.info, 2019).

According to the Census, Nigeria had 50 million people between the ages of 15 and 34 in 2006, which roughly corresponds to the age bracket of 18 to 35 years that was chronologically defined as youth in the 2009 National Youth Policy;

this youth population figure represented 35.6 percent of Nigeria’s population at the time. In 2006, 33.4 percent of men and 37.9 percent of women in Nigeria were between the ages of 15 and 34.

The National Bureau of Statistics, in collaboration with the Federal Ministry of Youth Development, conducted the 2012 National Baseline Youth Survey, which estimated Nigeria’s population of youths aged 15-35 years to be 64.1 million and youths aged 18-35 years to be 52.2 million. Females made up 51.6% of youngsters aged 15 to 35 years, and

52.8 percent of youths aged 18 to 35 years. In 2012, Lagos State had the greatest percentage of youths (aged 18-35 years) in Nigeria (6.3%), while Kwara State had the lowest (1.3%) (third national youth policy document, 2019).

Youth involvement in elections has always been lower than other age groups, but it has declined in recent decades. A popular reason for this occurrence is that young people are sluggish, however today’s youngsters volunteer in greater numbers than earlier generations. Another possible cause is that young people do not feel like they belong in society.

Owning property and having children gives you a more direct interest in how hospitals and schools are run, which generates more political engagement (Erica, 2017).

Recent evidence from European democracies shows that not only is youth electoral participation declining faster than any other social group, but it is also systematically unequal when compared to adult participation levels (Sirinic, 2017).

In every democratised society, the desire for power and the desire for change have been recurring decimals. Politicians seeking control seek to achieve their objectives through political parties that support their ideology, ideals, and goals.

Similarly, those who wish to overturn the current quo and advocate for revolutionary ideas join groups to make their goals a reality. Both parties, however, cannot fulfil their goals and ambitions without the backing of the majority of the population.

However, the target supporters want persuasive information before they can join the train. This is where the media comes in as a powerful tool for political socialisation.

The introduction of globalisation into international politics has altered the sociopolitical landscape of global politics. Globalisation is like an Octopus, with tentacles reaching into every facet of human activity and contact.

However, the power of globalisation stems from transformations and technological breakthroughs in the nature, timeliness, and efficacy of the internet. The internet, which supports a variety of social platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, Whatsapp, Instagram

Telegram, and many others, is faster and more responsive than traditional media forums such as print media, television, radio, and telephony, and has thus become a veritable tool for information gathering, dissemination, and evaluation. With social networking, one is likely to agree with Friedman (2007),

As a result, in this era of globalisation, the internet plays an important role in forming political attitudes, boosting political participation, and influencing voting behaviour around the world.

Social media is defined as “the new information network and information technology that uses a form of communication utilising interactive and user-produced content to create and maintain interpersonal relationships.” (Sanatokeskus TSK: Sosaalisen median sanato; Helsinki, 2010).

Twitter thus encourages engagement and public participation in a variety of human concerns. As a result of Twitter’s unrestricted participatory nature, the public has had several opportunity to interact on a variety of Nigeria-related issues.

This study will indicate that Twitter’s opportunities have provided its users a significant amount of power to influence Nigeria’s political and social elements.

During the Twitter revolution, there was a dispute over online activity between “cyber-enthusiasts” and “cyber-skeptics” (Gadi et al, 2013, p.1).

Cyber-skeptics attributed little importance to new media in achieving social change through activism because the web gives people a false impression of political participation and prevents them from participating in physical protests, whereas cyber-enthusiasts saw the internet as a tool for mobilising and informing people for greater social transformation.

However, over the years, cyber-enthusiasts have won the debate because online activism, particularly hashtag activism, has been used to achieve social transformation, as seen in the examples of #OccupyWallStreet, #BlackLivesMatters, #BringBackOurGirls, #Ferguson, #ArabSpring, and, most recently, the #Endsars campaign in Nigeria, which has been very successful.

Online activism in Nigeria began in 2009, when former Nigerian rapper eLDee turned to Twitter to vent his dissatisfaction with the country’s unpredictable power supply. This arose after his pal was unable to undergo surgery due to a power outage.

He invited four other young Nigerians, Sheile Ojei, Amara Nwakpa, Seyi Kuyinu, and Nigerian singer Banky W, to participate in a public conversation about the country’s bad electricity condition (Odewale, 2014). During their internet conversation, the term “light up Nigeria”

Today, Nigerian politicians and political parties use social media to deliver critical information and education to the public about their policies and/or manifestos. That is, social media, particularly social media, can be used by politicians and others to provide citizens with meaningful political education.

The purpose of this research is to investigate the impact of social media on the Endsar Protest. The study seeks to determine whether social media can be a legitimate weapon of social control, similar to traditional mass media.

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Social media has evolved into a specialised platform for modern human communication, and it is now ingrained in the political culture of most democratic countries across the world, including Nigeria.

Social media is one of the most common forms of communication between politicians and the electorate, and politicians all over the world use it extensively and strategically to achieve their desired outcomes, such as projecting positive images, retaining offices, and maintaining relationships with their constituents.

Social media has facilitated the transmission of information between political candidates and the electorate; it informs citizens and influences their political choices, attitudes, beliefs, and conduct towards specific political candidates (Victor, Ikechukwu, Gerald, & Chinedum, 2017).

Incidentally, in Nigeria, politicians’ everyday usage of social media, as well as how users interact with politicians’ social network sites/pages, has garnered relatively less attention.

Essentially, politicians expect the communication relationship to be positive and beneficial to them; thus, political gladiators of all shades of opinion, ideologies, intents, and goals use the media in the hope that political communication through them will exert pressure or influence on people’s perceptions and behaviours.

This understanding of the impact of social media is similar to the historical and cultural dominance of print and electronic media, as well as the apparent hypodermic needle effect of mass media messaging.

Given the perceived impact of the media, whether from the’maximalists’ or’minimalists’ perspective, profit-driven mentality of competition for political space has given rise to both ethical and unethical political communication using all available platforms of interpersonal and mass communication (Victor et al., 2017).

Aside from traditional media, social media is another tool via which the government, particularly presidential contenders, sought out to mobilise youths for the EndSars protest.

The purpose of this study is to look into the use of social media as a legitimate mobilisation tool for electioneering campaigns in general elections. The study will also look at how social media use affects youth participation in the EndSars protest.

Despite the foregoing, the purpose of this study is to investigate the effectiveness of using social media as a political platform in Nigeria, as well as how the increasing benefits of social media can be harnessed and applied to empower the electorate by transparently voting in and out of political office holders and governments democratically, without undue interference or hindrance (Chinedu- Okeke et al., 2016).

The purpose of this study is to examine the impact of social media as a tool utilised by youngsters during the Endsars protest, as well as if social media is genuinely useful in creating a favourable picture of political reform.

1.3 GOALS OF THE STUDY

The broad objectives of this investigation are:

To assess the impact of social media on young engagement in the EndSars protests.

To investigate whether social media effects how young people perceive politicians’ images on social media.

To investigate whether one youth’s political participation on social media communications influences other teenagers’ political ideas.

To determine the level of trust Nigerian youths place in political messaging on social media.

1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

How has social media influenced youth political participation in the EndSars protest?

Do social media influence teenagers’ perceptions of politicians’ images?

What is the credibility level of what young people read on social media?

To what extent do youngsters believe social media statements are credible?

1.5 Significance of the Study

To begin, the significance of this study will be seen in the gap it fills by addressing its research questions.

Second, the research will be extremely beneficial to politicians, political parties, media consultants, electoral umpires, and government officials at all levels because it will help them understand and appreciate the benefits and efficacy of using social media tools and how to best use them for projecting their clients’ images and increasing awareness of political candidates.

This study’s conclusions will help to ensure the long-term development of Nigerian democracy. Youth are the future and drivers of any country, hence conducting research/studies into their political and social behaviour is critical (Adedeji, 2015).

Finally, this study will be extremely beneficial to scholars and other information seekers in academia, as it will add to the existing literature on the effectiveness of social media in politics while also broadening the current expansive knowledge in it.

1.6 SCOPE OF THE STUDY

The purpose of this study is to look into the impact of using social media as a political/mobilization tool during the Endsars protest.

Only undergraduate students at Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University Lapai, aged 15 to 29, will be surveyed.

This study will focus on the aforementioned youths’ political participation in the EndSars protest.

This study will focus on undergraduate students at Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University in Lapai, with the goal of understanding how social media influences their opinion of political candidates and involvement in elections.

The undergraduate students at Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University lapai are now pursuing their first degrees in the institution’s 15 faculties.

1.7 Operational Definition of Terms

1.7.1 Social Media: The term “social media” is commonly used to describe new types of media that require interactive engagement (Manning, 2014). They are internet-based technologies that enable people to communicate with one another virtually.

This study focuses on WhatsApp, Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram because they are extremely popular among Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University lapai students.

1.7.2 Political involvement: Enkman and Amna (2012) define political involvement as “those activities by private citizens that are more or less directly aimed at influencing the selection of governmental personnel and/or the actions they take”. This study investigates the amount of political activity among Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University lapai students.

1.7.3 Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University lapai undergraduates: These are undergraduates studying in diverse departments across the institution’s fifteen faculties.

Youths: According to Nigeria’s Third National youngster Policy Document (2019), a youngster is defined as any Nigerian aged 15 to 29.

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INFLUENCE OF BIG BROTHER NAIJA ON YOUTH

Introduction: Background to the Study.

The mass media, particularly television, has progressively become a part of daily life, with the media’s basic functions being to provide information, education, and entertainment.

According to Folarin (2005), the media serves three functions: environmental surveillance (the news function), editorial connection of the many aspects of the environment, and cultural transfer from one generation to the next.

Mr. Balboa of Barcelona, Spain, showed the first motion picture in Nigeria on Monday, August 12, 1903, at the Glover Memorial Hall in Lagos, managed by a Nigerian, Herbert Macaulay, who later closed his exhibition in Lagos and left to show films in other West African countries.

Following his departure, Stanley Jones, an innovative European trader, began showing films in the same Glover Memorial Hall, with his debut showing in November 1903.Mgbejume (1989) stated that it steadily grew and became popular in the 1960s. From nce, the Nigerian home movie business emerged.

Childhood development may be a frustrating and stressful time for young individuals. Aside from changes in their interests and social interactions, which define and describe their position in a changing world, these developments raise their self-awareness, self-identity, and fear about social acknowledgment.

Childhood growth stages are marked by constant psychological and emotional stress (Armett, 2008). As individuals grow from childhood to adulthood, they are more likely to investigate new ideas.

These changes often occur in both boys and girls; however, Randy (2011) discovered that girls and boys had more challenging transitional experiences. This means that television is one of the techniques used to shape teenage conduct, opinions, and social interactions (Bryant, 2011).

Television allows youngsters to develop a perspective on the liberal social world. Children watch television to learn about effective social roles and behaviours. Robert (1982) noted that television presents girls as more docile than boys.

In most situations, they are more concerned with grooming and courting. Television programmes such as soap operas demonstrate that women are more frequently acted upon than males (Caplovitz, 2002).

Early studies on the effects of watching Big Brother Naija, particularly among children, demonstrated a desensitising influence and the capacity for violence. Since the inception of television, parents, teachers, legislators, and mental health specialists have sought to understand the impact of television programmes, particularly on children.

Following 15 years of continually distressing findings about the violent content of children’s programmes, the Surgeon General Scientific Adversary Committee on Television and Social behaviours was established in 1969 to study the impact of violence on viewers’ attitudes, values, and behaviours.

According to Onokome (2004), violence is one of the side effects of big brother. Children who see a lot of violent films are more likely to do violent acts. There is a perception that people frequently accept fictional depiction in the media due to their vivid and demonstrative relay of images.

Statement of the Problem

The study discovered that significant issues have arisen regarding adolescents’ access to material on video and television. Adults admired the agility of secondary school students as they manipulated the keyboard.

They spend hours in front of the television viewing films, usually without parental supervision. These may be a significant impediment to their academic performance.

There are two opposing viewpoints on the impact of Big Brother Naija on the social behaviour of adolescents. At one extreme, they are perceived to motivate kids to study and become more explanatory in problem solving (Singer, 1993).

On the other hand, they are blamed for many current ills because much information on television is disorganised and unregulated (Ilo, 2004).

In Nigeria, the National Foundation for Family Research (NFFR) (Awake, 2002) confirmed that teenagers engage in unproductive internet relationships. They were exposed to pornographic and violent content.

Messages broadcast on television by numerous entertainment businesses represent values that are alien to our local culture and frequently promote materialism, crime, violence, and immorality. Adolescents are exposed to indecent models and video games.

The researcher discovered that today’s adolescents utilise video and television to communicate in the same way that their parents used pens, postal stamps, and telephones.

The new information society nevertheless relies on some essential non-technological competencies that teenagers require to develop effective communication skills, problem-solving abilities, deep thinking, and positive attitudes. Adolescents’ time spent watching video and television is being challenged and extended in ways and at a rate that parents and schools cannot keep up with.

The researcher was drawn to the social behaviour of teenagers in Adamawa State, including contempt for adults, promiscuity, and other social misbehaviours among youngsters aged 10-15, and interactions tended to show that youth watch Nigerian films and emulate what they saw.

Adolescents are naturally curious and seek solutions to their questions, so they begin to investigate on their own. Friends, printed periodicals, and other media outlets, particularly Nigerian films.

Thus, these become their primary sources of information on a variety of philosophical and value concerns. While exploring their own cultural, religious, and spiritual ideas, these adolescents frequently turn to films and the internet for research.

The films introduce kids to new heroes and heroines whose perspectives and insights they believe provide better answers to concerns they are uncomfortable discussing with their parents or adults.

The growth of Nollywood (Nigeria’s film industry) and the alarming rate at which they generate demand notice; Nigerian films as a source of information and formation will likely become even more important as access rises.

The impacts of television on these pupils may be complex and difficult to investigate thoroughly and then establish a cause-and-effect relationship.

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EFFECT OF ADVERTISEMENT ON THE SUCCESS OF A BUSINESS ORGANIZATION

ABSTRACT

The purpose of this research is to learn about the effectiveness and impact that advertising has on the performance of a business organisation, as well as to identify flaws and make necessary improvements to the success of a firm.

There is also a need to understand the benefits and utility of advertising in terms of corporate success. The study identified the relationship between a business organization’s success and the consumer’s decision and preference for the organization’s product.

Finally, the study highlighted the effectiveness of advertising on the success of businesses in reaching out to their broadest consumer base, as well as the amount to which the organisation promotes advertising and the extent to which the organisation may utilise advertising to earn goodwill. We utilise tables and percentages of tests to analyse the validity and reliability of the results.

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