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FEDERAL GOVERNMENT RESPONSE TO THE BOKO HARAM INSURGENCY IN NIGERIA (2009-2013)

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INSURGENCY AND COUNTER INSURGENCY IN WEST AFRICA: A CRITICAL ASSESSMENT OF FEDERAL GOVERNMENT RESPONSE TO THE BOKO HARAM INSURGENCY IN NIGERIA (2009-2013)

ABSTRACT

Insurgency has come to assume global concern in view of its magnitude and spread. In Nigeria, while history reveals that insurgency is not entirely new as the nation witnessed the Maitasine and Niger Delta insurgencies among others in times past, the wave of violence unleashed by the Boko Haram sect in northern Nigeria has proved unprecedented and has also revealed the extent of the failure of governance in the country, the abysmally poor crisis management tradition by the Nigerian state and its palpable inability to provide security to its citizens. It has also brought to the fore the necessity on the part of government to make concerted and intensified efforts to evolve lasting solutions to intractable crisis in the country. This work is therefore an effort to assess the Federal Government of Nigeria‟s response to the Boko Haram insurgency. The objectives of the study are to identify and discuss the major issues leading to the outbreak of the

Boko Haram insurgency in Northern Nigeria, to examine the Nigerian state‟s response to the Boko Haram insurgency with a view to determining its efficacy and suitability, to offer likely reasons for the inability of the Nigerian Military to contain the insurgency and to suggest possible measures for effectively managing insurgency in Nigeria. The study was conducted in five northern states including Kaduna, Kano, Bauchi, Yobe and Borno. It relied on both primary and secondary sources of data. The study revealed that the Boko Haram crisis has a long history stretching beyond 2009 and that there were early warning signs which the government obviously ignored. The study also unveiled that the various steps taken so far in response to the insurgency reveals government‟s insincerity and lack of political will to finally contain the crisis. It was recommended that there should be enhanced knowledge of the recruitment dynamics that feed and sustain the group which can lead to a more proactive counter-terrorism framework for the Nigerian state, a comprehensive approach necessarily needs to be built on a deep understanding of the drivers and dynamics of, in particular, the north-east Nigerian context, there is a need for the government to really monitor what is preached by any religious organization and if such is not in tandem with accepted standards there will be need to address it, to nip it in the bud, there is an urgent need for the defence budgeting system to be completely overhauled. Furthermore it was recommended that there is an urgent need for the prioritization of modern state of the art military equipments and weapons to be acquired, the attitude of Nigeria leadership to the welfare of military personnel also needs to be reviewed. Better welfare packages need to be introduced to boost their morale and ensure that they are better motivated, government also needs to demonstrate a sincere commitment to alleviating poverty in Nigeria especially in the Northern part of the country, enlightenment campaigns also need to be introduced on the need for education in the North. Leaders in the north should endeavor to encourage the people to embrace western education, the Nigerian state should desist from the heavy-handed military and police methods that risk pushing yet more restless, jobless and frustrated youths into violence and extremism, government should to be fair to all, especially in the utilisation of the country‟s resources and government should pay attention to the issue of religion. The government takes religion as the strict affairs of the clerics and their students.

Abstract – – – – – – – – – – xiv

Table of Contents – – – – – – – – – – xv

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1 General Background- – – – – – – – – 1

1.2 Statement of the Research Problem- – – – – – – 9

1.3 Objectives of the Research – – – – – – – 10

1.4 Significance of the Research – – – – – – – 10

1.5 Research Propositions – – – – – – – – 11

1.6 Scope and Limitations- – – – – – – – 11

1.7 Organization of Chapters – – – – – – – 12 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.1 Literature Review – – – – – – – 14

2.1.1 Insurgency – – – – – – – – – 14

2.1.2 Counter Insurgency – – – – – – – – 24

2.1.3 Overview of African States‘ Response to Terrorism– – – – 29

2.1.4 The Malian Insurgency – – – – – – – 31

2.1.4.1 Domestic and Regional Response- – – – – – – 35

2.1.5 The Sierra Leonean State‘s Response to Insurgency – – – – 37

2.1.6 The Algerian State and the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) Insurgency – 42

2.1.7 The Darfur, Sudan Armed Conflict – – – – – 46

2.1.7.1 Remote Causes of the Insurgency – – – – – – 47

2.1.7.2 Immediate Causes – – – – – – – – 49

2.1.7.3 Factions/Parties in the Conflict – – – – – – 51

2.1.7.4 The Outlawed Groups – – – – – – – – 53

2.1.7.5 Response of the Sudanese Government – – – – – 54

2.1.8 The Nigerian State‘s Response to Domestic Insurgency – – – 55

2.2 Theoretical Framework – – – – – – – – 78 CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction – – – – – – – – 82

3.2 Type of Research – – – – – – – – 82

3.3 Research Sites – – – – – – – – – 83

3.4 Population of the Study – – – – – – 84

3.5 Sample and Sampling Technique- – – – – – – 84

3.6 Method of Data Collection – – – – – – – 85

3.6.1 Questionnaire Administration – – – – – – – 86

3.7 Method of Data Analysis – – – – – – – 97

3.7.1 Data Transcription and Analysis Technique (DTAT) – – – 97

3.8 Limitation of the Methodology – – – – – – 98

3.9 Problems Encountered in the Field – – – – – – 98

CHAPTER FOUR: BACKGROUND: THE EVOLUTION OF INSURGENCY IN

NIGERIA

4.1 Introduction – – – – – – – – 101

4.2 History of Insurgency in Nigeria – – – – – – 101

4.2.1 Military Task Forces and Counter-Insurgency in Nigeria – – – 114

4.2.2 Organogram of Nigerian Counter Insurgency Architecture – – – 117

4.3 Origin, Ideology and Philosophy of the Boko Haram sect 118

4.3.1 Biography of Late Mohammed Yusuf – – – – – 118

4.3.2 Evolution of the Boko Haram sect – – – – – – 121

4.3.3 Philosophy and Ideology of the Boko Haram Sect – – – – 126

4.3.4 The Salafi Ideology – – – – – – – – 133

4.4 Modus Operandi of the Boko Haram Sect- – – – – – 135

4.5 Organizational Structure of the Boko Haram Sect – – – – 138

4.6 Splinter Groups – – – – – – – – 140

4.7 Remote Causes of the Boko Haram crisis – – – – – 141

4.7.1 Prebendal/Affective Relationships – – – – – – 142

4.7.2 Politicization of Ethno-Religious Sentiments – – – – – 145

4.7.3 Economic Deprivation/Poverty – – – – – – 148

4.7.4 The Almajiri Syndrome – – – – – – – 149

4.7.5 Proliferation of Terrorism on a Global Scale – – – – – 152

4.7.6 The Arab Spring and Small Arms Proliferation – – – – 152

4.7.7 Poor Border Management in Nigeria – – – – – – 157

4.7.8 Clash of Civilization – – – – – – – – 161

4.8 Immediate Causes of the Boko Haram Crisis – – 161

4.8.1 The Setting up of Special Military Task Force Code Named Operation Flush 162

4.8.2 Implementation of the National Policy on Crash Helmets – – – 162

4.8.3 The extra-Judicial Killing of Mohammed Yusuf and Consequent

Radicalization of Sect Members – – – – – – 164

4.9 Boko Haram Global Dimensions – – – – – – 165

4.9.1 The Chadian/ French Connection – – – – – – 168

CHAPTER FIVE: DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS

5.1 Introduction – – – – – – – – 172

5.2 Presentation of and analysis of Data – – – – – – 172

CHAPTER SIX: DISCUSSION

6.1 Introduction – – – – – – – – 193

6.2 Discussion of Data – – – – – – – – 193

6.2.1 Ignoring early Warning Signs – – – – – – – 196

6.2.2 Recourse to Violence – – – – – – – – 202

6.2.3 Commission/ Panel of Inquiry Approach – – – – – 205

6.2.4 Attitude towards Arms Acquisition and Manpower Recruitment and Motivation 207

6.3 Other Efforts to Curb the Boko Haram Insurgency – 207

6.3.1 Establishment of Counter Terrorism Units in Mando and Kontagora – – 207

6.3.2 Censoring of Sermons by Clerics in the Flash points – – – – 208

6.3.3 Establishment of a New7 Division Comprising of three Brigades in

Maiduguri and Recruitment of more Soldiers – – – – 208

6.3.4 Strengthening Anti-Terrorism Legislation – – – – – 208

6.3.5 United Nations Assistance to the Nigerian Government – – – 209

6.4 Nigerian State‘s Incapacity to arrest the Menace – – – – 209

CHAPTER SEVEN: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

7.1 Introduction – – – – – – – – – 216

7.2 Summary – – – – – – – – – 216

7.3 Conclusion – – – – – – – – – 218

7.4 Recommendations- – – – – – – – – 220

References – – – – – – – – – 223

Appendix 1: Questionnaire- – – – – – – – 236

Appendix 2: Interview Schedule – – – – – – 239

Appendix 3: Chronicle of Boko Haram Attacks in Nigeria from 2009-2013 241

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 General Background

It is a historical fact that human society from time immemorial has been characterized by violence in various forms. In traditional societies violence existed in form of raids, tribal wars, slavery and insurgency among others. These were conducted as individuals and groups sought to enhance their power, status and influence over others or to register their grievances. Insurgency has existed throughout history but ebbed and flowed in strategic significance. Today the world has entered another period when insurgency is common and strategically significant.

Insurgency is a strategy used by groups which cannot realize their political aims through conventional means of seizure of power. Insurgency is characterized by continued, asymmetric violence, ambiguity, the use of complex terrain (jungles, mountains, urban areas), psychological warfare, and political mobilization which are designed to protect the insurgents and eventually affect the balance of power in their favor. Insurgents may attempt to capture power and replace the existing government (revolutionary insurgency) or they may have more limited objectives such as separation, independence or alteration of a specific policy. They avoid battle places where they are weakest and focus on those areas where they can operate on more equal footing. They try to postpone decisive action, avoid defeat, sustain themselves, expand their support, and hope that, over time, the power balance changes in their favor (Metz, 2004: 2).

Generally, insurgencies are of two types. The first is what can be referred to as ―national‖ insurgencies, the main antagonists are the insurgents and a sitting government which has some degree of legitimacy and support among the people. The differences between the insurgents and the government are based on economic class, ideology, identity (ethnicity, race, religion), or some other political factor. The government may have external supporters, but the conflict is clearly between the insurgents and a national government. National insurgencies are triangular in that they involve not only the two antagonists the insurgents and counterinsurgents but also a range of other actors who can shift the relationship between the antagonists by supporting one or the other. The most important of these other actors are the populace of the country but may also include external states, organizations, and groups. The insurgents and counterinsurgents pursue strategies which, in a sense, mirror image the other as they attempt to weaken the other party and simultaneously win over neutrals or those who are not committed to one side or the other (Metz, 2004:2).

The second important type is ―liberation‖ insurgencies. These set the insurgents against a ruling

group that is seen as outside occupiers by virtue of race, ethnicity, or culture. The goal of the insurgents is to ―free‖ their nation from alien occupation. Examples include the insurgency in Rhodesia, the one against the white minority government in South Africa, the Palestinian insurgency, Vietnam after 1965, the Afghan insurgency against the Soviet occupation, Chechnya, the current Taleban/al Qaeda insurgency in Afghanistan, and the Iraq insurgency (Metz, 2004:3).

Insurgent movements have always been part of human history. From the nomadic rebels who brought down the Roman Empire to the internet-savvy, plane-exploding jihadists who triggered America‘s ill-conceived ―global war on terror‖, insurgent forces are a constant factor in the history of warfare. And fighting them has become tougher than ever. According to Max Boot, ―Invisible Armies‖ is a narrative history of guerrilla warfare and insurgency ranging from what he describes as its origins, in bringing down the Akkadian empire in Mesopotamia in the 22nd century BC, to the present day (Boot, 2013).

Among the many ―liberal‖ insurgencies Boot (2013) considers are the American revolution; the struggle against Napoleon in the Iberian peninsula; Greece‘s war for independence against the Ottomans; the wars of unification in Italy and various uprisings against colonial powers, such as the slave revolt against the French that led to the foundation of the Republic of Haiti. In the 20th century Boot looks at the impact of irregular forces in World War 1 and 2, the contribution to insurgent theory of Mao Tse Tung‘s seminal work ―On Guerrilla Warfare‖, gleaned from his experiences in the Chinese civil war, the different

French and British responses to rebellions against their declining empires, the ―radical chic‖ revolutionaries of the 1960s and the rise of radical Islamism (Boot, 2013).

In view of the fact that insurgencies set the weak against the strong, history shows that most of them end up in failure (Boot, 2013). Between 1775 and 1945 only about a quarter achieved most or all of their aims. However since 1945 that number has risen to 40%, according to Boot (2013). Part of the reason for the improving success rate is the rising importance of public opinion. Since 1945 the spread of democracy, education, mass media and the concept of international law have all conspired to sap the will of states engaged in protracted counter-insurgencies. In the battle over the narrative, insurgents have many more weapons at their disposal than before (Boot, 2013). Therefore from the American Revolution to World War 2, to Syria and Afghanistan in contemporary times, regular armies have to contend with irregular fighters who hide themselves among the population and carry out hit-and-run attacks on their targets.

With regards to many African countries, there is widespread discontent and disenchantment among the various communities because of the inability or refusal of successive governments to resolve grievances arising from the state‘s unresponsiveness and insensitivity to the people‘s plight over long periods. This generates despair and frustration which certain leaders capitalize on to organize acts of defiance or incipient lawlessness. Acts of terrorism perpetrated by insurgent groups like the Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), Al-Shabab, Islamic Salvation Front, Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) and the current Boko Haram crisis which Nigeria now witnesses are clear

instances.

In Algeria for instance, the engagement of the post colonial regimes in authoritarian and repressive policies resulted in growing economic imbalances and a large youth population unable to find employment. This gave the Salafi, an Islamic group, reason to seek for an alternative community based on the Sharia. The Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) subsequently came into existence as well as other Islamic groups which later formed the Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). In response to consequent insurgency using acts of terrorism in Algeria by the AQIM, the Algerian state has been supporting the US war on terrorism and in exchange has received US military equipment and presence in the area.

Violence by such insurgent groups is certainly not a new phenomenon in Africa generally and Nigeria especially in the northern part of the country. There have been riots and disturbances in most states in the northern part of the country in the past leading to loss of lives and property. However none appears close to the latest wave of terror unleashed by the Jama‘atu Ahliss-Sunnah Lidda‘awati Wal Jihad or people committed to the prophet‘s teaching and Jihad now popularly known as the Boko Haram (Western education is sin). (Chronicle of Boko Haram activities is at Appendix 3).

This sect has a humble beginning. Its history can be traced to December 2003 in Kanamma and

Geidam settlements in Yobe state, North Eastern Nigeria (Ibrahim, et al, 2011). The leader of the group Mohammed Yusuf was an Islamic preacher who moved from place to place in search of more knowledge while at the same time preaching. He was said to be an orator and an eloquent preacher who was able to capture the minds of his audience. He was able to attract a large membership because his teachings exploited existing socio-economic lapses especially in the provision of basic social amenities as well as alleged government injustices on its members.

At that time the group preferred to be referred to as ―Muhajirin‖, an Arabic word which describes the Mecca people who moved from to Medina from Mecca with the Prophet Mohammed in order to escape persecution and to find a conducive environment to practice Islam (Ibrahim, et al, 2011). They were believed to be committed to living in seclusion far away from the hustles of the city. The purpose of their seclusion was to entrench a life of compassion in the hearts of Muslims and to establish a land full of justice, devoid of rancor and materialism (Ibrahim, et al, 2011). This principle easily endeared the group to their hosts, the locals of Kanamma and Geidam so much that no one can precisely tell why they started attacking police stations and killing innocent people in late 2003 to early 2004.

The group however claimed that the police provoked them by arresting some of their members as a result of a disagreement with locals over the use of land. It was also acclaimed that the group had a clash with officials of the Operation Flush leading to the shooting of seventeen (17) of their members. The sect members were reported to be on their way to bury four (4) of their members who died a day earlier in an auto accident on the Biu road while returning from their preaching called ―Dawah‖, when members of the joint security outfit accosted them for not wearing crash helmets. In the ensuing confrontation a member of the security outfit opened fire and injured some members of the sect including passers-by (Abubakar, 2009). About eighteen members of the sect were injured and none of the hospitals accepted them except after further trouble which resulted in further deaths of four more of their members. This incident had inflicted a deep wound in the heart of the sect leader Mohammed Yusuf who vowed that the security outfit had ―murdered sleep‖ as they would avenge the shooting at the appropriate time. According to him, ―it is unacceptable for policemen to shoot 17 unarmed people who are their way to a funeral. No, we must act, but when and how, we shall not tell anyone‖. (Abubakar, 2009). In an open letter to the federal government he threatened and urged them to respond within forty (40) days with a view to a resolution between the government and his group and if not then ―jihadi operations will begin in the country which only Allah will be able to stop‖ (Murtala, 2013). The forty day timeframe elapsed and after that the movement did little except for its leaders planning strategies and plans for war (Murtala, 2013).

The Boko Haram violence which commenced in 2003 in Yobe state was to resurface again in Maiduguri, Borno state on 26 July, 2009. Within a week the crisis spread to other states like Yobe, Kano, and Bauchi. The sect‘s Headquarters was destroyed and the leader of the group was killed alongside other members in an extra judicial manner. Even though the group called for the arrest and trial of the culprits, the government initially took no visible steps towards this direction. This inaction on the part of government was a recipe for several attacks from the sect who adore Mohammed Yusuf even in death due to his profound impact on them economically and spiritually. These are what the Nigerian government failed to do for them in first place.

The Northern region of Nigeria particularly the North East has since 2009 not known peace due to the activities of the Boko Haram sect (among other security threats) which has unleashed series of terrorist attacks in Borno, Yobe, Adamawa, Bauchi, Plateau, Kano, Kaduna, Katsina, Niger and the Federal Capital Territory claiming an estimate of thirteen thousand lives between 2009 and 2013 (Olukolade, 2014), destroying properties not quantifiable in monetary terms and displacing an estimated two (2) million peole (NTA News, 28, October, 2014). The spate of insecurity which has crippled commercial activities in the worst affected areas is so alarming that the citizens now admonish each other and take solace in the saying that ―the fear of Boko Haram is the beginning of wisdom‖. The bombing of the Louis Edet house, Headquarters of the Nigerian Police, the United Nations building and similar other bomb blasts in Saint Theresa‘s Catholic Church, Madalla, Bauchi state, Gombe state, Kano as well as recurrent bombings and killings in various parts of Borno state and other parts of the north show that the group can strike anywhere and at any time and that no one can claim to be safe or free from their attacks. Their modus operandi also reveals a clear incapacity on the part of government and its security agencies to effectively and amicably manage the situation. So far virtually every violent approach adopted by government to manage the situation has proved a failure and has only helped in exacerbating the crisis as the group has vowed to continue the wave of attacks until their demands are met.

These demands include the introduction of real Shari‘a law in twelve northern states, rejection of the current democracy, constitutionalism and the sovereignty of the Nigerian state. They also insisted on outright justice to those who killed their leaders and their accomplices (Abubakar, 2011). A cursory look at these demands would reveal that the group does not have confidence in the Nigerian state and its capability to adequately cater for the needs of the citizens i.e that the state has apparently failed in its duties to the citizens since injustice, oppression and deprivation have gained prominence in the land. Its various waves of attacks also indicate that the sect does not recognize the authority of the Nigerian state.

It is to be noted that Boko Haram was at the initial stage not against western education

particularly per se as widely acclaimed but western culture or what has been termed westoxication which in their view corrupts true Muslims. This can be seen in their modus operandi as at 2003 when they committed themselves to the establishment of a land full of justice, they secluded themselves and their families from associating with anything to do with westernization or government. This was because they perceived westernization as being the cause of materialism, corruption, injustice, immorality etc which are the order of the day in Nigeria.

To give credence to the assertion above, the spokesperson of the group Abu Zaid stated that:

…the Yusufiyya Movement has come to mean different things to different people in the last few months. This confusion and misinterpretation have made it necessary for us to come out publicly with the clear truth regarding our concept, struggle, aim and ultimate objective as our declaration would guide in distinguishing the Yusufiyya Movement from the various labels ascribed to us as the Boko Haram (Balogun, 2011)

Furthermore, according to Abu Zaid:

We want to make it clear that we are fighting not just because our mosque and centre of learning were destroyed or because our wealth have been seized or because we were chased out of our houses. The reason why we are at war is because our freedom has been curtailed. It is while we were propagating Islam that the government connived with some Imams and Ward Heads and attacked us in many states (Ibrahim, et al, 2011).

The spokesperson clearly stated that the group is targeting traditional rulers, clerics, politicians

and representatives of the Nigerian state like security agents due to the roles they were said to have played before, during and after the 2009 impasse (The News Magazine 3, October, 2011, Forest, 2012). True to the group‘s spokesperson, the casualties up to 2013 are mainly political elites, state security agencies and others perceived to be directly or indirectly linked to one or both of them. However from the latter part of 2013 to 2014 they attacked several innocent people in mostly in the rural areas of Borno state. One can however posit that the whole episode is a reaction against the state‘s perceived unresponsiveness and insensitivity to the plight of the downtrodden.

1.2 Statement of the Research Problem

Violence is endemic in human society. However the state exists to manage violence and thereby maintain order in society. The essence of the state thus lies in its ability to facilitate human interaction. Whether one is speaking of interpersonal relations or group dynamics, it is hardly contestable that the state plays a critical role.

The history of uprisings against the state in Nigeria shows that there has always been a preference for repression i.e whenever and wherever violence erupts the state is always quick to dispatch heavily armed military personnel to the flash point to ―quell the crisis‖. No serious efforts are made to find out the possible cause of the violence and how genuine and justifiable those causes are or what can be done to amicably address the issues leading to the crisis. Even though the state usually adopts the Committees/Commission of Inquiry approach to ―look into the immediate and remote causes of the crisis‖, the reports and subsequent recommendations of such Committees never see the light of the day or get released to the public. According to Danjibo (2010) such reports usually add up files to the state‘s mortuary of unattended reports. Therefore unaddressed issues always lead to the recurrent and lethal nature of crisis in Nigeria. Hence governments‘ response to crisis in Nigeria appears to be palliative.

The wave of violence unleashed by the Boko Haram sect in northern Nigeria has revealed the extent of the failure of governance in the country, the abysmally poor crisis management tradition by the Nigerian state and its embarrassing inability to provide security to its citizens. It has also brought to the fore the necessity on the part of government to make concerted and intensified efforts to evolve lasting solutions to intractable crisis in the country. The purpose of this work therefore is to assess the Federal Government of Nigeria‘s response to the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria.

1.3 Objectives of the Research

The under listed will be the objectives of this study:

To identify and discuss the major issues leading to the outbreak of the Boko Haram insurgency in Northern Nigeria. ii. To examine the Nigerian state‘s response to the Boko Haram insurgency with a view to

determining its efficacy and suitability.

To explain the possible reasons for the incapacity of the military to contain the insurgency.

To suggest possible measures for effectively managing insurgency in Nigeria.

1.4 Significance of the Research

This study shall be of significance to knowledge as it will enable the Nigerian authorities and

members of the public to appreciate the causes of violence in Africa and Nigeria in particular. It will also enhance an understanding of the stages of crisis in order to build up management capacities to effectively arrest crisis when they erupt. Finally it will serve as a contribution to existing literature on the subject matter which can assist other researchers in future studies.

Specifically speaking it has been observed from the examples of other African countries that in most countries, there is a culture of and preference for repression as an approach towards responding to insurgency which yields no long lasting benefits. Rather than sincerely and consciously getting to the root causes of crisis (as usually identified and/or suggested by Commissions of Inquiry) and addressing them there from proactively, the state in Africa rather adopts a violent or reactive approach which has so far not been successful but has only worsened the situation. This work therefore becomes significant as it is geared towards identifying the remote and immediate causes of the Boko Haram insurgency with a view to establishing the argument or thesis that the Nigerian state‘s approach or response to managing the insurgency is inappropriate and ineffective therefore necessitating the adoption of more effective and amicable strategies.

1.5 Research Propositions

The underlisted are the propositions of this study:

The reactive approach to insurgency in Africa generally and Nigeria in particular has proved

to be ineffective.

The Boko Haram insurgency is a result of the failure of the Nigerian state to perform its

statutory functions to the citizens.

The violent response to insurgency in Nigeria is a stimulant for further violence.

1.6 Scope and Limitations

Violence is an intrinsic phenomenon in human society and its occurrence or recurrence indicates the ever dynamic character of society. Violence ensues because man‘s interests and inclinations are varied and often antagonistic. The propensity of man to pursue his selfish interests which usually give room for the outbreaks of violence necessitated the evolution of the state as an impartial referee to check human excesses. In Africa, conflicts leading to violence have become a major source of concern due to their recurrent nature and consequence on the continent‘s development efforts. This study covers the Fedral Government of Nigeria‘s response to the Boko Haram insurgency in particular from 2009 when the sect‘s activities came to capture global and national attention, to 2013. Emphasis will be placed on the response of the Nigerian state within this period. The study notes that the Boko Haram sect has existed long before

2009 and would also make reference to the pre-2009 in the course of the study.

The the major limitation of this study is the inability of the researcher to gain access to members of the Boko Haram sect for interviews in view of their invincibility. Some victims of the sect‘s activities which were reached in Kaduna and Abuja were not willing to talk, and this forms another limitation to this study. Furthermore members of the public particularly the target population for this study especially security agencies like the Department of State Security (SSS), the Police Force, Defence Headquarters etc were not willing to divulge necessary information on grounds that the required information is classified.

These no doubt negatively affected the data collection process of this study. Nevertheless, the researcher has attempted to complement secondary sources with a modest blend of data obtained through interviews and research reports among others.

1.7 Organization of Chapters

This research is structured in a seven chapter framework. Chapter one introduces the work and comprises of the statement of the problem, objectives, significance, research propositions, and scope and limitations. Chapter two comprises of literature review and theoretical framework. It also presents an insight into some states‘ approaches to containing insurgency; these include Mali, Sudan, Sierra- Leone, Algeria and Nigeria. Chapter three presents the various steps taken to conduct the research i.e the research methodology.

Chapter four examines the background/ evolution of insurgency in Nigeria. It discusses the history of the Boko Haram sect and the factors which precipitated the waves of violence unleashed by the sect. Chapter five presents and analyses data obtained from the respondents through questionnaires and in depth interviews. Chapter six critically assesses the response of the Nigerian state to the Boko Haram crisis. The seventh and final chapter summarizes and concludes the research and also proffers recommendations.

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The Role of the State Government in the Insulation of Jigawa State against Boko Haram Insurgency (2009-2015)

UX — Fri, 19 Dec 2025 09:14:32 +0000

The Role of the State Government in the Insulation of Jigawa State against Boko Haram Insurgency (2009-2015)

Abstract……………………………………………………………………………….. xii

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

1.1 General Background to the Study………………………………………….. 2

1.2 Statement of the Research Problem………………………………………… 4

1.3 Research Questions…………………………………………………………. 5

1.4 Aim and Objectives…………………………………………………………. 5

1.5 Research Assumptions……………………………………………………… 6

1.6 Significance and Justification of the Study…………………………………. 6

1.7 Scope of the Study………………………………………………………….. 7

1.8 Organization of the Study…………………………………………………… 7

1.9 Conceptual Clarification…………………………………………………….. 8

1.9.1 The Concept of Insurgency………………………………………………….. 8

1.9.2 The Concept and Methods of Counter Insurgency………………………….. 13

1.9.3 The Concept of Insulation……………………………………………………. 16

CHAPTER 2

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK OF THE STUDY

2.1 A Review of Selected Cases of Insurgencies and Counterinsurgencies ……. 17

2.1.1 The Mau Mau Insurgency and the Counterinsurgency of the

Colonial Government in Kenya (1952–1956)………………………………. 17

2.1.2 Overview of the African National Congress (ANC) Insurgency and the Apartheid Governments Counterinsurgency in

South Africa (1960-1990)……………………………………………………. 19

2.2 An Overview of Selected Insurgent Movements in

Post-Independence Nigeria………………………………………………… .. 24

2.2.1 Declaration of Niger Delta Republic, Movement for the

Emancipation of the Niger Delta and related insurgencies…………………….. 25

2.2.2 Nigerian Civil War (Biafra War) ……………………………………………. 26

2.2.3 Odua People‟s Congress……………………………………………………… 26

2.3 A Review of the Theories of Insurgent Activities in Nigeria………………… 27

2.3.1 Politics, Economics and Insurgency in Nigeria………………………………. 27

2.3.2 Ethnicity/Religion and Insurgency in Nigeria………………………………… 29

2.4 An Overview of the Boko Haram Insurgency………………………………… 31

2.5 The Geography and Historical Phases of the

Boko- Haram Insurgency……………………………………………………… 33

2.6 Review of the Response of the Nigerian Government

against the Boko Haram Insurgency…………………………………………… 44

2.7 Theoretical Framework of the Study………………………………………….. 48

2.7.1 The Conflict Management Theory…………………………………………….. 48

2.7.2 The Territorial Imperative Theory…………………………………………………. 51

CHAPTER 3

METHOD OF DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS

3.1 Geography and Historical Overview of the Study Area……………………. 53

3.2 Population of the Study Area………………………………………………. 54

3.3 Sample of the Study………………………………………………………… 55

3.4 Sources of Data Collection…………………………………………………. 56

3.5 Method of Data Analysis ………………………………………………….. 58

CHAPTER FOUR

SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL FACTORS INSULATING JIGAWA STATE AGAINST BOKO-HARAM

4.1 Social Capital, Territorial Imperative and the Insulation of

Jigawa State against Boko-Haram………………………………………….. 59

4.2 Socio-Economic Development and the Insulation

of Jigawa State against Boko-Haram………………………………………. 61

4.3 The Reinvigoration of Jigawa State Security Council and the Intensification of Intelligence Gathering Against Boko-Haram……..…. 66

4.4 The Establishment of Temporary IDP Camps and the

Insulation of Jigawa state against Boko-Haram Insurgency………………… 68

4.5 Validity of Research Assumptions ………………………………………….. 70

CHAPTER 5

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

5.1 Summary……………………………………………………………………. 72

5.2 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………….. 74

5.3 Recommendations…………………………………………………………… 75

Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………. 76

Appendix…………………………………………………………………………….. 79

ABSTRACT

Since 2009, the Boko-Haram insurgency became deadly and extremely violent particularly in the three north-eastern states of Adamawa, Borno and Yobe. Other states which were also significantly affected by the Boko-Haram insurgency include: Kano, Bauchi, Kaduna and the Federal Capital Territory. Jigawa state which shares borders with Kano, Bauchi and Yobe states was however relatively insulated from the Boko Haram insurgency. This study therefore examined how and why Jigawa state was insulated from the Boko-Haram insurgency. The major objective of the study was to investigate what socio-economic and political factors accounted for the insulation of Jigawa state against the Boko-Haram insurgency. The study was conducted within the framework of the conflict management theory which argues that conflict is not a static situation but a dynamic one in which the level of intensity changes over a conflicts‟ life cycle. The territorial imperative theory was also adopted in the explanation of the social factors that resulted in the insulation of Jigawa state against the Boko-Haram insurgency. As a qualitative Study, the data for this study was sourced essentially through primary sources of data. The primary data was derived from interviews with the political elite in Jigawa state. These political elite comprised of the government agents directly involved in protecting Jigawa state from the Boko-Haram insurgency as well as members of the opposition political parties from 2007-2015. Other respondents of the study include the religious and traditional leaders as well as representatives of the Nigerian Police Force and Department of State Security. Focus group discussion was also held in four local governments in the state. Secondary data on the other hand was derived from libraries and the internet. Findings indicate that unlike in the communities in the neighboring states which were devastated by the Boko-Haram insurgency, there was a high degree of social capital amongst the elites and the people of Jigawa state which significantly contributed in the insulation of the state against the Boko-Haram insurgency. Other findings of the study also indicates that three major programs namely: the socio-economic development of the state, the reinvigoration of the state security council and the establishment of temporary IDP camps, also contributed in the insulation of Jigawa state against the Boko-Haram insurgency. Finally the study recommends that efforts should be made towards boosting social capital by fostering peaceful coexistence and cooperation amongst Nigerians through the avoidance of ethno-religious profiling and discrimination. The study also recommends that efforts should be made towards improving the socio-economic development of the country in general through the implementation of programs and policies that impact positively on the lives of the citizens. This is important considering the fact that an improvement in the living standard of the people is established as a disincentive for the recruitment drive of insurgents.

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

1.1 General Background to the Study

Insurgencies have generally been an issue of concern to many states across the globe. They exist in various forms; perpetuating terrorist and violent activities that strike at the corporate existence or the ideological basis of states. From the Taliban in Afghanistan to the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), as well as the north-east India and communist insurgency in the Philippines, each insurgency is different in its aims, structures and strategy. Yet, all insurgencies are similar in the sense that they represent a usually violent revolt that is not recognized as belligerency.

In Nigeria, a number of insurgencies have arisen in the post-independence period, ranging from those based on socio-economic, ethnic or religious considerations. The first known insurgency in post-colonial Nigeria may be credited to the movement to liberate the Niger Delta people led by Major Isaac Jasper AdakaBoro in 1966. Boro formed the Niger Delta Volunteer Force (NDVF), an armed military group composed of 150 of his kinsmen in the belief that the people of the Niger Delta deserved a more equitable share of the wealth which accrued from oil. On the 23^rd of February 1966, the NDVF declared the Niger Delta Republic. The Republic however, lasted only 12 days before the federal military forces crushed the insurgency and arrested Boro (Kwaja, 2013). Since then other insurgent groups that have emerged in Nigeria include: the Odua People‟s Congress (OPC), the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), Movement for the

Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) and the recent Boko-Haram Insurgency.

Since July 2009, the Boko Haram insurgency increased its violent attacks against the Nigerian state and its citizens, unleashing a systematic campaign of suicide bombings, kidnappings and drive-by shootings on diverse government and civilian targets. In a report by the US Department of Justice,Boko -Haram reportedly engaged “in over six hundred attacks on various targets, including government institutions, government officials, churches, mosques, schools, bars, and other businesses as at 2013” (Goitom, 2014:2). In addition to the deaths of an estimated fivethousand people, the group isalso said to have caused “the displacement of over six hundred and fifty thousand Nigerians as at 2013″ (Goitom, 2014:2).

In May 2013, President Goodluck Jonathan declared a state of emergency in the northeastern states of Adamawa, Borno and Yobe; the states mostly affected by the Boko Haram insurgency; and the Nigerian military was deployed in a counter offensive against the insurgency. However, such emergency measures seemed not to have deterred the group; as it continued its deadly attacks up till the end of the Jonathan administration in 2015. Following an intensified offensive against Boko Haram, thousands of Nigerians including some members of the Boko Haram insurgency began fleeing from the north east into neighboring states and countries; thereby expanding the scope of the insurgency and the associated insecurity. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Up to 10,000 Nigerians fled to Niger‟s Diffa region in 2015. Cameroon was also reported to be hosting some 44,000 Nigerian refugees in the same year, while another 2,700 were reported to havefled to Chad (UNHCR, 2015). By 2016, some 2.2 million people were internally displaced in the northeastern and other neighboring states in Nigeria due to the Boko

Haram‟s insurgency and also as a result of the counter-insurgency measures adopted by the Nigerian state (Ibrahim and Obels, 2017:1).The impact of the Boko- haram insurgency was not only felt across Nigeria; particularly in states in the north eastern and north western region but also in neighboring countries like Niger, Chad and Cameroon. However, the scale and scope of the insurgency varied significantly across different states, regions and communities.

Jigawa state in north-west Nigeria was one of the states confronted with the influx of internally displaced persons and fleeing members of the Boko-haram insurgency. However, in comparism to other neighboring states like Bauchi, Kaduna, Kano and Yobe states, Jigawa state remained relatively insulated from Boko Haram attacks and the humanitarian crisis associated with the insurgency. In a report by Thisday newspapers it was noted that Boko Haram has since 2009, carried out dozens of attacks in surrounding areas, but Jigawa itself has been spared much of the violence (Thisday, 10^th April, 2014).

Since the beginning of the insurgency in 2009, the first and only major attack by the Boko Haram insurgents in Jigawa state was in April 2014 when members of the group attacked a police station, a bank and a Shari‟ah Court inGwaram local government area where they killed a number of policemen and civilians. While Jigawa state experienced only isolated attacks by the Boko haram insurgents, Kano, Bauchi and Yobe states which shared border with Jigawa state were repeatedly attacked by the Boko-haram insurgents and these states were also generally seen as recruitment centers for the terrorists.

1.2 Statement of the Research Problem

The major areas affected by the Boko-Haram insurgency in Nigeria are the three north-eastern states of Adamawa, Borno and Yobe states. Other states like Bauchi, Kano,

Kaduna and the federal capital territory were also significantly affected by the crisis. Jigawa state which shares border with Kano, Bauchi and Yobe state was generally, relatively insulated from the Boko-Haram crisis. This study therefore investigates why and how Jigawa state was able to remain relatively insulated from the Boko-Haram crisis. The study particularly examinesthe socio-economic and political factors which may have contributed in the relative insulation of the state from the negative effects of the Boko-Haram insurgency from 2009-2015.

1.3 Research Questions

In view of the above research problem, the specific research questions to be addressed in this study include:

Were there any social factors peculiar to Jigawa state as a community that contributed in the insulation of the state from the negative effects of the BokoHaram Insurgency?
What if any; are the policies and programs introduced by the Jigawa state government against the Boko-Haram insurgency?

How were the policies and program implemented and in what ways (if any) did the program contribute in the insulation of Jigawa state from the negative consequences of the Boko Haram insurgency?

1.4 Aim and Objectives

The general aim of this study is to determine the factors that accounted for the relative insulation of Jigawa state from the Boko-Haram insurgency. The more specific objectives of the study include:

To determine if there were any social factors peculiar to Jigawa state which contributed in the relative insulation of Jigawa state from the Boko haram insurgency.
To investigate if there were any policies or programs by the Jigawa state government which contributed in the insulation of the state from the BokoHaram insurgency.

To determine how any of such policies or programs by the Jigawa state government may have contributed to the relative peace in Jigawa state.

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1.5 Research Assumptions

This study was guided by the following assumptions.

The insulation of Jigawa state from the Boko-haram crisis was as a result of the existence of peculiar social factors within the state which served a counter terrorist purpose.
Jigawa state was relatively insulated from the Boko-Haram insurgency due to the existence of policies and programs which served a counter terrorist purpose.

1.6 Significance and Justification of the Study

The Boko-Haram insurgency in northeast Nigeria has attracted a lot of scholarly attention (Sani S. 2015, Alozieuwa S. H. 2012, Okoli, A. C., &Iortyer, 2014, Aghedo, I, &Osumah, O. 2012 and Osumah, O. 2013). However, most of the works conducted have either focused on the causes of the crisis or attempted to evaluate the government‟s response to the crisis at the national level. For example, Otegwu (2016) and Jae (2017) are recent works that both examined the management of the Boko-haram insurgency; but their emphasis was on the role of the federal government. Indeed, very few studies have focused on the response of state governments to the Boko-haram insurgency. This study is therefore significant in the sense that it seeks to evaluate the role of state governments and the community in the management of the Boko-Haram insurgency. The study thus represents a micro analysis of efforts at managing the insurgency, rather than the usual macro analysis that has ensued in the discourse on the subject matter.

1.7 Scope of the Study

The Boko-Haram insurgency in Nigeria gained national and international attention in 2009; even though the group had been in existence since 2003. Since 2009, the federal government of Nigeria and the international community has taken various steps in addressing the crisis. Yet, the insurgency though largely suppressed, continues to engage in sporadic attacks in northern Nigeria. This study focuses on the role of the state government in the management of Boko-haram insurgency. The study particularly focuses on Jigawa State and it covers the period 2009-2015 due to the fact that this was when the Boko Haram insurgency was at its peak.

1.8 Organization of the Study

This work is organized into five chapters. Chapter one is a general background to the study which comprise of the introduction, statement of the research problem, research questions, aims and objectives of the study and the research assumptions of the study. Also contained in chapter one is the justification and scope of the study. The second chapter comprise of the literature review and the theoretical framework of the study. Chapter three is a detailed presentation of the method of data collection and analysis and a general background of the study area. Chapter four isthe data presentation and analysis while chapter five contains the summary, conclusion and recommendation.

1.9 Conceptual Clarification

1.9.1 The Concept of Insurgency

The concept of insurgency is complex, relative, and difficult to define because it been has been used interchangeably with other concepts like terrorism, revolution, guerrilla warfare etc. While insurgency has existed for centuries, it has been conceptualized and consequently, addressed, in innumerable ways. Prior to the 1900s, insurgency was generally considered to be a nuisance for states, especially empires with powerful, conventional militaries that were primed to fight the armies of fellow states, not a ragtag collection of fighters with light weapons. Due to this asymmetry, such armed groups would not directly confront a state with unmatched military capabilities; instead, they engaged in guerilla (Spanish for “small war”) warfare, which included hit-and-run tactics in order to exploit a conventional military‟s inability to deviate from a highly organized and structured protocol. Thus, insurgencies were conceptualized as tactical struggles to force states into engaging in long, protracted wars of attrition in order to exhaust both their resources and willpower.An insurgency may therefore be defined as an organized movement aimed at the overthrow or destruction of a constituted government through the use of subversion, espionage, terrorism and armed conflicts (Hayden 2007). Indeed, insurgencies are uniquely distinguishable from terrorist groups in that their primary objective is state control and sovereignty, which they achieve by incrementally garnering popular support. Using targeted military force themselves, insurgents seek to emulate Max Weber‟s definition of a state, that is, an entity

that possesses a monopoly of force and legitimacy within a given territory.

According to Drew (2001), an insurgency can also be defined as an armed revolution against the established political order. Drew continues that: “Pure. Insurgencies are internal affairs of states as they do not require assistance from foreign powers” (2001:4). In this context, insurgency is therefore synonymous with civil wars. Despite Drew‟s (2001) suggestion that insurgencies are essentially part of the internal affairs of states, he also acknowledge that it is not uncommon for insurgencies to receive international support:

Although pure insurgencies are civil wars, the situation becomes less clear-cut when outside powers intervene in some manner. Often such intervention is mostly in the form of supplying material aid to one side or the other, or providing professional revolutionaries (e.g. the Cuban revolutionary Ernesto Che Guevara in Bolivia) who can organize and discipline what might otherwise be a haphazard affair easily crushed by the government in power. Intervention has been common as the major powers fished in “troubled waters” in the hope of gaining advantage in the perceived zero-sum game of international power politics. When intervention draws the attention of an opposing power, an insurgency can quickly be cast as a major power confrontation. The fact remains that insurgencies are, at base, internal affairsunless the role of one or both sides is co-opted by an intervening power (Drew: 2001:4).

Thus, while insurgency may be limited to a single nation, in modern times, it almost always impacts on international relations. Indeed, the insurgents, government or both may be clients of other nations and in most cases there is usually a spillover especially in the form of refugees beyond national borders.

The concept of insurgency has also been defined as a protracted political-military activity directed towards completely or partially controlling the resources of a country through the use of irregular military forces and illegal political organization. Insurgent activities (including guerrilla warfare, terrorism and political mobilization, for example propaganda, recruitment, front and covert party organization and international activity) is designed to weaken government control and legitimacy while increasing insurgent control and legitimacy. The common denominator of most insurgent groups in this context is their desire to control a particular area. This objective differentiates insurgent groups from purely terrorist organizations, whose objectives do not include the creation of an alternative government capable of controlling a given area or country.

An insurgency therefore generally refers to the activities of a group or groups seeking political power through armed conflict or other illegal means under the rules of the existing government. Seeking political power in this context does not necessarily mean replacing the government. Indeed, an insurgent group may only want to share power or it may prefer to just breakdown a strong government so that local militias may have a strong control.

According to O‟Neill, (2005: 1) Insurgencies have been essential in nation building activities since the earliest histories. O‟Neill explains, that “insurgency has probably been the most prevalent type of armed conflict since the creation of organized political communities” (O‟Neill, 2005: 1). O‟Neill thus defines insurgency as: “a general overarching concept that refers to a conflict between a government and an out group or opponent in which the latter uses both political resources and violence to change, reformulate, or uphold the legitimacy of one or more of four key aspects of politics” (O‟Neill, 2002, as cited in Taber, 2002). These aspects of politics are, “(1) the integrity of the borders and composition of the nation state, (2) the political system, (3), the authorities in power, and (4) the policies that determine who gets what in societies” (O‟Neill, 2002, as cited in Taber, 2002). O‟Neill notes that insurgent activity is a form of “political movement” with a specific aim and the political aim of insurgencies thrives in situations wheresocietal divisions are cumulative and where they combine with economic and political disparities” (O‟Neill, 2005: 4). It should be noted also that referring to a group as insurgent also depends on perspective. The patriots of the American Revolution were for example called an insurgency and considered treasonous by the British, while the colonist saw them as fighting for the preservation of their freedoms and independence.

Insurgencies have existed in many countries and regions including the Philippines, Afghanistan, Chechnya, Kashmir, Yemen, Djibouti, Colombia, Srilanka, democratic republic of Congo, the colonies of Great Britain and Nigeria. Each insurgency also has different specifics. However, they all share a common feature of an attempt to disrupt the central government by means considered illegal by that government. Most insurgent groups therefore have the same intermediate objectives designed to help them achieve eventual domination of a country. Although both military and political means are used to achieve these intermediate objectives, insurgencies are essentially political (Moveh, 2017). Some of the objectives of insurgencies include:

To limit the ability of the government and enhance the capability of the insurgents to provide public services.
To obtain support or neutrality of critical segments of the population.
To isolate the government from international diplomatic and material support and increase international support for the insurgents
To increase the domestic and international legitimacy of the insurgent organization at the expense of the government.
To destroy the self-confidence of government leaders and cadres, causing their abdication or withdrawal.
To reduce and if possible, neutralize government coercive power while strengthening insurgent coercive capabilities.

It is also important to note that many insurgent movements may be highly organized. Yet, this may not always be the case. North (2008) for example notes that:

While some insurgencies are networked with only loose objectives and mission type orders to enhance their survival, others are divided and factionalized by area, composition or goals.

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THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE FIGHT AGAINST GLOBAL TERRORISM

UX — Fri, 19 Dec 2025 09:14:32 +0000

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THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE FIGHT AGAINST GLOBAL TERRORISM

CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the study

The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, in Washington, D.C., New York City, and Pennsylvania were acts of war against the United States of America and its allies, and against the very idea of civilized society. No cause justifies terrorism. The world must respond and fight this evil that is intent on threatening and destroying our basic freedoms and our way of life. Freedom and fear are at war. The enemy is not one person. It is not a single political regime. Certainly it is not a religion.

The enemy is terrorism—premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by subnational groups or clandestine agents. Those who employ terrorism, regardless of their specific secular or religious objectives, strive to subvert the rule of law and effect change through violence and fear.

These terrorists also share the misguided belief that killing, kidnapping, extorting, robbing, and wreaking havoc to terrorize people are legitimate forms of political action. The struggle against international terrorism is different from any other war in our history.

We will not triumph solely or even primarily through military might. We must fight terrorist networks, and all those who support their efforts to spread fear around the world, using every instrument of national power— diplomatic, economic, law enforcement, financial, information, intelligence, and military. Progress will come through the persistent accumulation of successes—some seen, some unseen.

And we will always remain vigilant against new terrorist threats. Our goal will be reached when Americans and other civilized people around the world can lead their lives free of fear from terrorist attacks. There will be no quick or easy end to this conflict. At the same time, the United States, will not allow itself to be held hostage by terrorists. Combating terrorism and securing the U.S. homeland from future attacks are our top priorities. But they will not be our only priorities.

This strategy supports the National Security Strategy ofthe United States. As the National Security Strategy highlights, we live in an age with tremendous opportunities to foster a world consistent with interests and values embraced by the United States and freedom-loving people around the world. And we will seize these opportunities.

This combating terrorism strategy further elaborates on Section III of the the National Security Strategy by expounding on our need to destroy terrorist organizations, win the “war of ideas,” and strengthen America’s security at home and abroad. While the National Strategy for Homeland Security focuses on preventing terrorist attacks within the United States, the National Strategy for Combating Terrorism focuses on identifying and defusing threats before they reach our borders.

While we appreciate the nature of the difficult challenge before us, our strategy is based on the belief that sometimes the most difficult tasks are accomplished by the most direct means. Ours is a strategy of direct and continuous action against terrorist groups, the cumulative effect of which will initially disrupt, over time degrade, and ultimately destroy the terrorist organizations. The more frequently and relentlessly we strike the terrorists across all fronts, using all the tools of statecraft, the more effective we will be.

The United States, with its unique ability to build partnerships and project power, will lead the fight against terrorist organizations of global reach. By striking constantly and ensuring that terrorists have no place to hide, we will compress their scope and reduce the capability of these organizations.

By adapting old alliances and creating new partnerships, we will facilitate regional solutions that further isolate the spread of terrorism. Concurrently, as the scope of terrorism becomes more localized, unorganized and relegated to the criminal domain, we will rely upon and assist other states to eradicate terrorism at its root.

The United States will constantly strive to enlist the support of the international community in this fight against a common foe. If necessary, however, we will not hesitate to act alone, to exercise our right to self-defense, including acting preemptively against terrorists to prevent them from doing harm to our people and our country.

The war on terrorism is asymmetric in nature but the advantage belongs to us, not the terrorists. We will fight this campaign using our strengths against the enemy’s weaknesses. We will use the power of our values to shape a free and more prosperous world.

We will employ the legitimacy of our government and our cause to craft strong and agile partnerships. Our economic strength will help failing states and assist weak countries in ridding themselves of terrorism. Our technology will help identify and locate terrorist organizations, and our global reach will eliminate them where they hide. And as always, we will rely on the strength of the American people to remain resolute in the face of adversity.

We will never forget what we are ultimately fighting for—our fundamental democratic values and way of life. In leading the campaign against terrorism, we are forging new international relationships and redefining existing ones in terms suited to the transnational challenges of the 21st century.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

In recent years, terrorist networks have evolved, moving away from a dependency on state sponsorship; many of the most dangerous groups and individuals now operate as non-state actors. Taking advantage of porous borders and interconnected international systems finance, communications, and transit terrorist groups can reach every corner of the globe.

While some remain focused on local or national political dynamics, others seek to affect global change. At the forefront of this trend is al-Qaeda. From its base in the borderlands between Afghanistan and Pakistan, the al-Qaeda network has spread widely, establishing branches or affiliates elsewhere, including in North Africa, Yemen, and Southeast Asia.

Driven by an extreme Salafi ideology characterized by opposition to Western influence and the goal of creating a global Islamic caliphate al-Qaeda operatives have killed thousands from Madrid to Bali to Baghdad. What is more, the group’s alluring ideology extends its reach, prompting some individuals outside its direct command to take violent action.

The threat from al-Qaeda has proven global, multifaceted, and difficult to track and contain. It continues to pose the most prominent terrorist threat.

1.3 Objectives of the study

The objective of this study is to suggest possible ways in which United States, together with its friends and allies, eliminates terrorism as a threat to our way of life.

1.4 Research questions
1. What measures can be put in place in order to eliminate terrorism completely from the United States.

1.5 Significance of the Study

Americans know that terrorism did not begin on September 11, 2001. Regrettably, its history is long and all too familiar. The first major terrorist attack on New York City’s financial district, for instance, did not occur on September 11, or even with the 1993 truck bombing of the World Trade Center.

It occurred September 16, 1920, when anarchists exploded a horse cart filled with dynamite near the intersections of Wall and Broad Streets, taking 40 lives and wounding about 300 others. Starting with the assassination of President William McKinley in 1901 and continuing with the bombings of the U.S. embassies in Tanzania and Kenya in 1998 and the USS Cole in Yemen in 2000, American history in the 20th century was punctuated by terrorism.

Americans also understand that we are not alone in the struggle against terror. Terrorists have left their mark in some way upon every country in the world. Citizens from some 90 countries died in the attacks of September 11. For decades, the United States and our friends abroad have waged the long struggle against the terrorist menace. We have learned much from these efforts.

Even as we experience success in the war on terrorism, new enemies may emerge. Thus, the United States will confront the threat of terrorism for the foreseeable future. Consequently, we must continue to take aggressive action to uncover individuals and groups engaged in terrorist activity, by analyzing the common characteristics of terrorists in order to understand where our enemies are weak and where they are strong.

1.6 Scope/Limitations of the study

This study is on United States and fight against terrorism and it has the following limitations.

1. 1. Financial constraint– Insufficient fund tends to impede the efficiency of the researcher in sourcing for the relevant materials, literature or information and in the process of data collection (internet, questionnaire and interview).

2. 2. Time constraint– The researcher will simultaneously engage in this study with other academic work. This consequently will cut down on the time devoted for the research work.

1.7 Definition of terms
Terrorism: The unofficial or unauthorized use of violence and intimidation in the pursuit of political aims. The U.S. Code of Federal Regulations defines terrorism as “the unlawful use of force and violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian population, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives”.

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THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE FIGHT AGAINST GLOBAL TERRORISM

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INSURGENCY AND COUNTER INSURGENCY IN WEST AFRICA A CRITICAL ASSESSMENT OF FEDERAL GOVERNMENT RESPONSE TO THE BOKO HARAM INSURGENCY IN NIGERIA (2009 – 2013)

UX — Fri, 19 Dec 2025 09:14:32 +0000

INSURGENCY AND COUNTER INSURGENCY IN WEST AFRICA A CRITICAL ASSESSMENT OF FEDERAL GOVERNMENT RESPONSE TO THE BOKO HARAM INSURGENCY IN NIGERIA (2009 – 2013)

ABSTRACT

The insurgency has come to assume global concern in view of its magnitude and spread. In Nigeria, while history reveals that insurgency is not entirely new as the nation witnessed the Maitasine and Niger Delta insurgencies among others in times past, the wave of violence unleashed by the Boko Haram sect in northern Nigeria has proved unprecedented and has also revealed the extent of the failure of governance in the country, the abysmally poor crisis management tradition by the Nigerian state and its palpable inability to provide security to its citizens.

It has also brought to the fore the necessity on the part of the government to make concerted and intensified efforts to evolve lasting solutions to the intractable crisis in the country. This work is, therefore, an effort to assess the Federal Government of Nigeria’s response to the Boko Haram insurgency… (Scroll down for the link to get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

INTRODUCTION

Background of the Study

It is a historical fact that human society from time immemorial has been characterized by violence in various forms. In traditional societies, violence existed in the form of raids, tribal wars, slavery, and insurgency among others. These were conducted as individuals and groups sought to enhance their power, status, and influence over others or to register their grievances. The insurgency has existed throughout history but ebbed and flowed in strategic significance. Today the world has entered another period when the insurgency is common and strategically significant.

Insurgency is a strategy used by groups that cannot realize their political aims through conventional means of seizure of power. Insurgency is characterized by continued, asymmetric violence, ambiguity, the use of complex terrain (jungles, mountains, and urban areas), psychological warfare, and political mobilization which are designed to protect the insurgents and eventually affect the balance of power in their favor.

Insurgents may attempt to capture the power and replace the existing government (revolutionary insurgency) or they may have more limited objectives such as separation, independence, or alteration of a specific policy. They avoid battle places where they are weakest and focus on those areas where they can operate on more equal footing. They try to postpone decisive action, avoid defeat, sustain themselves, expand their support, and hope that, over time, the power balance changes in their favor (Metz, 2004: 2)… (Scroll down for the link to get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

Statement of the Research Problem

Violence is endemic in human society. However, the state exists to manage violence and thereby maintain order in society. The essence of the state thus lies in its ability to facilitate human interaction. Whether one is speaking of interpersonal relations or group dynamics, it is hardly contestable that the state plays a critical role… (Scroll down for the link to get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

Research Objectives

The under-listed will be the objectives of this study:

To identify and discuss the major issues leading to the outbreak of the Boko Haram insurgency in Northern Nigeria.
To examine the Nigerian state‘s response to the Boko Haram insurgency with a view to determining its efficacy and suitability… (Scroll down for the link to get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Literature Review

The previous chapter gave an introduction to the study and stated the research problem and objectives. This chapter comprises a review of the literature and theoretical framework. It is presented in a thematic manner with a focus on states’ responses to an insurgency within their borders. It examines some African countries‘ response to insurgency like Mali, Sudan, Sierra- Leone, Algeria, and finally Nigerian state‘s response to insurgency beginning with the Maitasine crisis of the 1980s, the Niger Delta insurgency and then the Boko Haram insurgency.

Insurgency

An insurgency is simply an armed revolution against the established political order. Insurgencies are internal affairs and the insurgents are self-sustaining. They usually do not require assistance from foreign powers (Gen, 1976). Although insurgencies are civil wars, the situation becomes less clear-cut when outside powers intervene in some manner.

Often such intervention is only in the form of supplying arms aid to one side or the other or providing professional revolutionaries (like the Cuban revolutionary Ernesto Che Guevara in Bolivia) who can organize and discipline what might otherwise be a haphazard affair easily crushed by the government in power. When intervention draws the attention of an opposing power, an insurgency can quickly be cast as a major power confrontation (Gen, 1976)… (Scroll down for the link to get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

Political Infrastructure

Although the military aspect of the struggle may ebb and flow, the source of insurgent strength; a covert political infrastructure remains constant. This infrastructure, the bitter fruit resulting from the perceived political and economic inequities sown much earlier, is the most important ingredient in the insurgent recipe for success (Summers, 1981).

The political infrastructure performs at least six major functions vital to the survival, growth, and eventual success of the insurgency: (1) intelligence gathering and transmission; (2) provision of supplies and financial resources; (3) recruitment; (4) political expansion and penetration; (5) sabotage, terrorism, and intimidation; and (6) establishment of a shadow government (Summers, 1981)… (Scroll down for the link to get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

Theoretical Framework

The postulations in this dissertation shall be founded upon the weak state theory. This approach is presented by Holsti (1993), Ake (1967), Buzan (undated), and Collins (2007). Deducing from Barry Buzan (undated), states comprise of three things: The institutional expression of the state (the bureaucracy), the idea of the state (the nation), and the physical base of the state (territory).

He asserted that weak states are those states where the idea and the bureaucracy are lacking leaving us with an ungoverned space whose territorial integrity is nonetheless enforced by international norms enshrined in the United Nations Charter.

The theory operates from the perspective of the rulers of the weak states. By analyzing actions in the context of the weak state, we see the context under which decisions are made and provide policy implications that affect the context and mitigate the costs of these contexts.

In weaker states, the nature of government and its relationship to other actors means that the survival of the regime becomes practically indistinguishable from the survival of the state…. (Scroll down for the link to get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

The Evolution of Insurgency in Nigeria

History of Insurgency in Nigeria

There have been insurgent movements that characterized Nigeria‘s socio-political history. While there were several uprisings in times past the Niger Delta insurgency of the 1960s is a case in point.

The neglect, marginalization, and underdevelopment that generated activism and fomented unrest in the Niger Delta began during the colonial administration. Indeed, the recent events defined by oil politics constitute merely the tipping point in a conflict dating back to the colonial era. Thus, conflicts in the Delta can be categorized as pre- and post-oil conflicts, with different strands of engagement characterizing the post-oil conflicts… (Scroll down for the link to get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

Military Task Forces and Counter-Insurgency in Nigeria

The police which is the primary institution responsible for internal security in Nigeria has been overwhelmed by the rising wave of insurgency largely because they lack requisite training and expertise in counter-insurgency operations (Francis et al. 2011)… (Scroll down for the link to get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

ORGANOGRAM OF NIGERIAN COUNTER INSURGENCY ARCHITECTURE

Modus Operandi of the Boko Haram Sect

The activities of the Boko Haram sect in northern Nigeria have been different when compared with other groups. The sect operates in a similar way as the Somali Al- Shabaab in the Maghreb region of the Sahel and Al-Qaeda (Opukri and Etekpe, 2013). Attacks of this nature are usually swift, tempestuous, and enhanced by guerilla firepower. They usually target those they view as infidels or opponents of Sharia code that they supposedly seek to achieve. The Boko Haram has applied tactics and the common noes include the following:

Bombing: This relies on the use of Improvised Explosive Devices (EIDs). This is the most prevalent strategy adopted by the sect. Typically the EIDs are easy to manufacture, they are smaller and hard to detect but contain very destructive capabilities. It has been pointed out by Opukri and Etekpe (2013) that in 2011 alone the sect carried out forty (40) bombings in northern Nigeria… (Scroll down for the link to get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

Figure 3.1: Locations of Boko Haram’s attacks and suicide bombings in Nigeria

Source: Onuoha, 2014 p.172

Since mid-2010 the sect‘s modus operandi has changed and they have become unpredictable. Old methods such as the targeted killing of the traditional ward and village heads, security officials, prominent politicians, and opposing ulama have continued unabated… (Scroll down for the link to get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Research Sites

This study was carried out in five (5) northern states. These, as well as the towns visited, are itemized in Table 3.1 below.

Table 3.1: Research Sites

	State	Towns Visited
1	Kaduna	Kaduna, Jaji , Zaria
2	Kano	Kano Municipal Area
3	Bauchi	Bauchi Metropolitan Area
4	Yobe	Damaruru and Potiskum
5	Borno	Maiduguri Metropolitan Area

Source: Author‘s Compilation

These states, as well as the towns visited, were chosen mainly because the spate of terrorist attacks by the Boko Haram sect took place in these areas.

Sample and Sampling Technique

A sample can be defined as a subset of a population that is selected to meet specific objectives (Essan and Okafor in Olayiwola, 2007). Gay (1980) describes sampling as the process of selecting a number of individuals for a study in such a way that the individuals represent the larger group from which they were selected… (Scroll down for the link to get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

RESEARCH FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

Presentation and Analysis of Data

This section presents the opinions of the generality of Nigerians as sampled from questionnaires and structured interviews.

Fig. 5.1 Sex of Respondents

The information presented above shows a wide gap between male and female respondents. This may be explained by the nature of the topic which is sensitive and capable of instilling fear and suspicion, hence the females may not be bold enough to speak out. It may further be explained by the fact that the places visited have more males in the public sphere than females… (Scroll down for the link to get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

Discussion

Though Uwazie et al (1999) described the Maitasine riots as the most militant and widespread religious protest against the secular and religious establishment in Nigeria since independence, this description now befits the Boko Haram insurgency for more than the Maitasine uprisings of the 1980s.

Government approach to religious uprisings in times past can be viewed in the context of long or short term responses. The long term response is largely preventive (Uwazie et al, 1999). This is in so far as the responses come by way of specific and deliberate government policies aimed at establishing an enduring atmosphere of harmony and accord within the polity.

State policies can be steam lined into four perspectives i.e the ecumenical, the political/diplomatic, the constitutional and the security engineering perspectives (Uwazie et al, 1999)… (Scroll down for the link to get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

Ignoring Early Warning Signs

It is a historical fact that religion plays a central and domineering role in Nigerian society (Usman, 1987). This has manifested as a potent variable in the socio-political development of Nigeria since the pre-independence era. In fact, a discussion of socio-political events in Nigeria would be incomplete without a discussion of religion… (Scroll down for the link to get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Conclusion

The resurgence and escalation of the Boko Haram insurgency since early 2010 caught the Nigerian state unawares. It initially believed the violence would fizzle out.

However, sustained attacks ushered in more sober responses. Since 2012, it has tried to address the challenge on multiple tracks but especially by increasing the defense budget from a 100 billion naira in 2010 to 927 billions of naira in 2011 and 968 billions of naira in 2012, 2013 and over I trillion 2014. Much of these increases were to combat Boko Haram… (Scroll down for the link to get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

Recommendations

The following recommendations are therefore put forward as strategies to effectively deal with the Boko Haram insurgency.

Enhanced knowledge of the recruitment dynamics that feed and sustain the group can lead to a more proactive counter-terrorism framework for the Nigerian state… (Scroll down for the link to get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

REFERENCES

Abdulkadir M (2013): Interview on the Nigerian State‘s Handling of the Boko Haram Crisis, held on 16, July, at the News Room of the Headquarters of the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA), Area 11, Garki, Abuja.

Abdulkadir, M (2013): ―Duty Tour Of Chief of Defence Staff to Maiduguri‖ NTA News at 9, 12 July. Abimbola J.O and Adesote SA (2012): ―Domestic Terrorism and Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria, Journal of Arts and Contemporary Society; Vol.4 Cenresin Publications September.

Abimbola J.O and Adesote SA (2012): ―Domestic Terrorism and Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria,‖ Journal of Arts and Contemporary Society; Vol.4 Cenresin Publications September.

Abimbola, A (2010): ―The Boko Haram Uprising and Islamic Revivalism in Nigeria‖ in Africa Spectrum, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Institute of African Affairs in co-operation with the Dag Hammarskjold Foundation Uppsala and Hamburg University Press

Abubakar, A. (2009), ―Nigeria struggles to curb rise in child beggars‖, The Telegraph, 18

Abubakar, M (2009): ―Why the Fundamentalists Struck‖ The Guardian, August, 2. (Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)

Abubakar, S (2011): ―Borno Imbroglio: The Truth Behind the Lies‖, Daily Trust, July 26. (Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)

Abugu, F.O (2009): ―Boko Haram: Poverty, Not Islamists on the March‖, The Guardian, August 8. (Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)

Adejo, P.Y. (2005) ―Crime and Cross-Border Movement of Weapons: The Case of Nigeria‖ in A. Ayissi and I, Sall (eds), Combating the Proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons in West Africa: Handbook for the Training of Armed and Security Forces, Geneva: United Nations Institute of Disarmament Research (UNIDIR).

Adejuyigbe, O (1989) ―Identification and characteristics of Borderlands in Africa, In Asiwaju, AI and Adeniyi, PO (eds) (1989) Borderlands in Africa A multidisciplinary and Comparative Focus on Nigeria and West Africa, Lagos, University of Lagos Press. (Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)

Adeniyi, O (2011): Power, Politics and Death: A Front Row Account of Nigeria under Late President Yar‟Adua; Kachifo Press Limited, Lagos. (Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)(Counter Insurgency)

(Scroll down for the link to get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

(Get the Complete Chapter One to Five Project Material)

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CRIMINOLOGY PROJECT TOPICS – Premium Researchers

FEDERAL GOVERNMENT RESPONSE TO THE BOKO HARAM INSURGENCY IN NIGERIA (2009-2013)

INSURGENCY AND COUNTER INSURGENCY IN WEST AFRICA: A CRITICAL ASSESSMENT OF FEDERAL GOVERNMENT RESPONSE TO THE BOKO HARAM INSURGENCY IN NIGERIA (2009-2013)

ABSTRACT

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.7 Organization of Chapters – – – – – – – 12 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.2 Theoretical Framework – – – – – – – – 78 CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

NIGERIA

CHAPTER FIVE: DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS

CHAPTER SIX: DISCUSSION

CHAPTER SEVEN: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

1.1 General Background

1.2 Statement of the Research Problem

1.3 Objectives of the Research

1.4 Significance of the Research

1.5 Research Propositions

1.6 Scope and Limitations

1.7 Organization of Chapters

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The Role of the State Government in the Insulation of Jigawa State against Boko Haram Insurgency (2009-2015)

The Role of the State Government in the Insulation of Jigawa State against Boko Haram Insurgency (2009-2015)

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER 2

METHOD OF DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS

SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL FACTORS INSULATING JIGAWA STATE AGAINST BOKO-HARAM

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

INTRODUCTION

1.1 General Background to the Study

1.2 Statement of the Research Problem

1.3 Research Questions

1.4 Aim and Objectives

1.5 Research Assumptions

1.6 Significance and Justification of the Study

1.7 Scope of the Study

1.8 Organization of the Study

1.9 Conceptual Clarification

1.9.1 The Concept of Insurgency

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THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE FIGHT AGAINST GLOBAL TERRORISM

THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE FIGHT AGAINST GLOBAL TERRORISM

INSURGENCY AND COUNTER INSURGENCY IN WEST AFRICA A CRITICAL ASSESSMENT OF FEDERAL GOVERNMENT RESPONSE TO THE BOKO HARAM INSURGENCY IN NIGERIA (2009 – 2013)

INSURGENCY AND COUNTER INSURGENCY IN WEST AFRICA A CRITICAL ASSESSMENT OF FEDERAL GOVERNMENT RESPONSE TO THE BOKO HARAM INSURGENCY IN NIGERIA (2009 – 2013)

Research Objectives

Table 3.1: Research Sites

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